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stories of Zeus and Europa, and of Minos and Britomartis or Dictynna appear to be only different expressions of the same myth, different echoes of the same custom. The moon rising from the sea was the fair maiden Europa coming across the heaving billows from the far eastern land of Phoenicia, borne or pursued by her suitor the solar bull. The moon setting in the western waves was the coy Britomartis or Dictynna, who plunged into the sea to escape the warm embrace of her lover Minos, himself the sun. The story how the drowning maiden was drawn up in a fisherman's net may well be, as some have thought, the explanation given by a simple seafaring folk of the moon's reappearance from the sea in the east after she had sunk into it in the west.178 To the mythical fancy of the ancients the moon was a coy or a wanton maiden, who either fled from or pursued the sun every month till the fugitive was overtaken and the lovers enjoyed each other's company at the time when the luminaries are in conjunction, namely, in the interval between the old and the new moon. Hence on the principles of sympathetic magic that interval was considered the time most favourable for human marriages. When the sun and moon are wedded in the sky, men and women should be wedded on earth. And for the same reason the ancients chose the interlunar day for the celebration of the Sacred Marriages of gods and goddesses. Similar beliefs and customs based on them have been noted among other peoples.179 It is likely, therefore, that a king and queen who represented the sun and moon may have been expected to exercise their conjugal rights above all at the time when the moon was thought to rest in the arms of the sun. However that may have been, it would be natural that their union should be consummated with unusual solemnity every eight years, when the two great luminaries, so to say, meet and mark time together once more after diverging from each other more or less throughout the interval. It is true that sun and moon are in conjunction once every month, but every month their conjunction takes place at a different point in the sky, until eight revolving years have brought them together again in the same heavenly bridal chamber where first they met.

      Octennial tribute of youths and maidens probably required as a means of renewing the sun's fire by human sacrifices. The Minotaur a bull-headed image of the sun.

      Without being unduly rash we may surmise that the tribute of seven youths and seven maidens whom the Athenians were bound to send to Minos every eight years had some connexion with the renewal of the king's power for another octennial cycle. Traditions varied as to the fate which awaited the lads and damsels on their arrival in Crete; but the common view appears to have been that they were shut up in the labyrinth, there to be devoured by the Minotaur, or at least to be imprisoned for life.180 Perhaps they were sacrificed by being roasted alive in a bronze image of a bull, or of a bull-headed man, in order to renew the strength of the king and of the sun, whom he personated. This at all events is suggested by the legend of Talos, a bronze man who clutched people to his breast and leaped with them into the fire, so that they were roasted alive. He is said to have been given by Zeus to Europa, or by Hephaestus to Minos, to guard the island of Crete, which he patrolled thrice daily.181 According to one account he was a bull,182 according to another he was the sun.183 Probably he was identical with the Minotaur, and stripped of his mythical features was nothing but a bronze image of the sun represented as a man with a bull's head. In order to renew the solar fires, human victims may have been sacrificed to the idol by being roasted in its hollow body or placed on its sloping hands and allowed to roll into a pit of fire. It was in the latter fashion that the Carthaginians sacrificed their offspring to Moloch. The children were laid on the hands of a calf-headed image of bronze, from which they slid into a fiery oven, while the people danced to the music of flutes and timbrels to drown the shrieks of the burning victims.184 The resemblance which the Cretan traditions bear to the Carthaginian practice suggests that the worship associated with the names of Minos and the Minotaur may have been powerfully influenced by that of a Semitic Baal.185 In the tradition of Phalaris, tyrant of Agrigentum, and his brazen bull186 we may have an echo of similar rites in Sicily, where the Carthaginian power struck deep roots.

      Dance of the youths and maidens at Cnossus.

      But perhaps the youths and maidens who were sent across the sea to Cnossus had to perform certain religious duties before they were cast into the fiery furnace. The same cunning artist Daedalus who planned the labyrinth and contrived the wooden cow for Pasiphae was said to have made a dance for Ariadne, daughter of Minos. It represented youths and maidens dancing in ranks, the youths armed with golden swords, the maidens crowned with garlands.187 Moreover, when Theseus landed with Ariadne in Delos on his return from Crete, he and the young companions whom he had rescued from the Minotaur are said to have danced a mazy dance in imitation of the intricate windings of the labyrinth; on account of its sinuous turns the dance was called “the Crane.”188 Taken together, these two traditions suggest that the youths and maidens who were sent to Cnossus had to dance in the labyrinth before they were sacrificed to the bull-headed image. At all events there are good grounds for thinking that there was a famous dance which the ancients regularly associated with the Cretan labyrinth.

      The game of Troy.

      Among the Romans that dance appears to have been known from the earliest times by the name of Troy or the Game of Troy. Tradition ran that it was imported into Italy by Aeneas, who transmitted it through his son Ascanius to the Alban kings, who in their turn handed it down to the Romans. It was performed by bands of armed youths on horseback. Virgil compares their complicated evolutions to the windings of the Cretan labyrinth;189 and that the comparison is more than a mere poetical flourish appears from a drawing on a very ancient Etruscan vase found at Tragliatella. The drawing represents a procession of seven beardless warriors dancing, accompanied by two armed riders on horseback, who are also beardless. An inscription proves that the scene depicted is the Game of Troy; and attached to the procession is a figure of the Cretan labyrinth,190 the pattern of which is well known from coins of Cnossus on which it is often represented.191 The same pattern, identified by an inscription, “Labyrinthus, hic habitat Minotaurus,” is scratched on a wall at Pompeii; and it is also worked in mosaic on the floor of Roman apartments, with the figures of Theseus and the Minotaur in the middle.192 Roman boys appear to have drawn the very same pattern on the ground and to have played a game on it, probably a miniature Game of Troy.193 Labyrinths of similar type occur as decorations on the floors of old churches, where they are known as “the Road of Jerusalem”; they were used for processions. The garden mazes of the Renaissance were modelled on them. Moreover, they are found very commonly in the north of Europe, marked out either by raised bands of turf or by rows of stones. Such labyrinths may be seen in Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Finnland, the south coast of Russian Lappland, and even in Iceland. They go by various names, such as Babylon, Wieland's House, Trojeborg, Tröburg, and so forth, some of which clearly indicate their connexion with the ancient Game of Troy. They are used for children's games.194

      The dance at Cnossus perhaps an imitation of the sun's course in the sky.

      A dance or game which has thus spread over Europe and survived in a fashion to modern times must have been very popular, and bearing in mind how often with the decay of old faiths the serious rites and pageants of grown people have degenerated into the sports of children, we may reasonably ask whether Ariadne's Dance or the Game of Troy may not have had its origin in religious ritual. The ancients connected it with Cnossus and the Minotaur. Now we have seen reason to hold, with many other scholars, that Cnossus was the seat of a great worship of the sun, and that the Minotaur was a representative or embodiment of the sun-god. May not, then, Ariadne's dance have been an imitation of the sun's course in the sky?

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<p>178</p>

As to Minos and Britomartis or Dictynna, see Callimachus, Hymn to Diana, 189 sqq.; Pausanias, ii. 30. 3; Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 40; Diodorus Siculus, v. 76. On Britomartis as a moon-goddess, see K. Hoeck, Kreta, ii. 170; W. H. Roscher, Über Selene und Verwandtes, pp. 45 sq., 116-118. Hoeck acutely perceived that the pursuit of Britomartis by Minos “is a trait of old festival customs in which the conceptions of the sun-god were transferred to the king of the island.” As to the explanation here adopted of the myth of Zeus and Europa, see K. Hoeck, Kreta, i. 90 sqq.; W. H. Roscher, op. cit. pp. 128-135. Moschus describes (ii. 84 sqq.) the bull which carried off Europa as yellow in colour with a silver circle shining on his forehead, and he compares the bull's horns to those of the moon.

<p>179</p>

See W. H. Roscher, op. cit. pp. 76-82. Amongst the passages of classical writers which he cites are Plutarch, De facie in orbe lunae, 30; id., Isis et Osiris, 52; Cornutus, Theologiae Graecae compendium, 34, p. 72, ed. C. Lang; Proclus, on Hesiod, Works and Days, 780; Macrobius, Commentar. in Somnium Scipionis, i. 18. 10 sq.; Pliny, Nat. hist. ii. 45. When the sun and moon were eclipsed, the Tahitians supposed that the luminaries were in the act of copulation (J. Wilson, Missionary Voyage to the Southern Pacific Ocean (London, 1799), p. 346).

<p>180</p>

Plutarch, Theseus, 15 sq.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 61; Pausanias, i. 27. 10; Ovid, Metam. viii. 170 sq. According to another account, the tribute of youths and maidens was paid every year. See Virgil, Aen. vi. 14 sqq., with the commentary of Servius; Hyginus, Fabulae, 41.

<p>181</p>

Apollodorus, i. 9. 26; Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 1638 sqq., with the scholium; Agatharchides, in Photius, Bibliotheca, p. 443b, lines 22-25, ed. Bekker; Lucian, De saltatione, 49; Zenobius, v. 85; Suidas, s. v. Σαρδάνιος γέλως; Eustathius on Homer, Odyssey, xx. 302, p. 1893; Schol. on Plato, Republic, i. p. 337A.

<p>182</p>

Apollodorus, i. 9. 26.

<p>183</p>

Hesychius, s. v. Ταλῶς.

<p>184</p>

Diodorus Siculus, xx. 14; Clitarchus, cited by Suidas, s. v. Σαρδάνιος γέλως, and by the Scholiast on Plato, Republic, p. 337A; Plutarch, De superstitione, 13; Paulus Fagius, quoted by Selden, De dis Syris (Leipsic, 1668), pp. 169 sq. The calf's head of the idol is mentioned only by P. Fagius, who drew his account from a book Jalkut by Rabbi Simeon.

<p>185</p>

Compare M. Mayer, s. v. “Kronos,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon d. griech. u. röm. Mythologie, iii. 1501 sqq.

<p>186</p>

J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, i. 646 sqq.

<p>187</p>

Homer, Iliad, xviii. 590 sqq.

<p>188</p>

Plutarch, Theseus, 21; Julius Pollux, iv. 101.

<p>189</p>

As to the Game of Troy, see Virgil, Aen. v. 545-603; Plutarch, Cato, 3; Tacitus, Annals, xi. 11; Suetonius, Augustus, 43; id., Tiberius, 6; id., Caligula, 18; id., Nero, 6; W. Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities,3 s. v. “Trojae ludus”; O. Benndorf, “Das Alter des Trojaspieles,” appended to W. Reichel's Über homerische Waffen (Vienna, 1894), pp. 133-139.

<p>190</p>

O. Benndorf, op. cit. pp. 133 sq.

<p>191</p>

B. V. Head, Historia numorum (Oxford, 1887), pp. 389-391.

<p>192</p>

O. Benndorf, op. cit. pp. 134 sq.

<p>193</p>

Pliny, Nat. hist. xxxvi. 85.

<p>194</p>

O. Benndorf, op. cit. p. 135; W. Meyer, “Ein Labyrinth mit Versen,” Sitzungsberichte der philosoph. philolog. und histor. Classe der k. b. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu München, 1882, vol. ii. pp. 267-300.