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could be more natural than to make the new wreath out of leaves which looked so like the old oak leaves that the substitution might almost pass undetected.221

      Whether at Thebes, as at Delphi, the laurel had ousted the oak from the place of honour at the festival of the Slaying of the Dragon, we cannot say. The oak has long disappeared from the low hills and flat ground in the neighbourhood of Thebes, but as late as the second century of our era there was a forest of ancient oaks not many miles off at the foot of Mount Cithaeron.222

      Hypothesis of octennial kings at Delphi and Thebes, who personated dragons or serpents. Animals sacred to royal families. Greek stories of the transformation of gods into beasts point to a custom of a sacred marriage in which the actors masqueraded as animals.

      It has been conjectured that in ancient days the persons who wore the wreath of laurel or oak at the octennial festivals of Delphi and Thebes were no other than the priestly kings, who personated the god, slew their predecessors in the guise of dragons, and reigned for a time in their stead.223 The theory certainly cannot be demonstrated, but there is a good deal of analogy in its favour. An eight years' tenure of the kingship at Delphi and Thebes would accord with the similar tenure of the office at Sparta and Cnossus. And if the kings of Cnossus disguised themselves as bulls, there seems no reason why the kings of Delphi and Thebes should not have personated dragons or serpents. In all these cases the animal whose guise the king assumed would be sacred to the royal family. At first the relation of the beast to the man would be direct and simple; the creature would be revered for some such reason as that for which a savage respects a certain species of animals, for example, because he believes that his ancestors were beasts of the same sort, or that the souls of his dead are lodged in them. In later times the sanctity of the species would be explained by saying that a god had at some time, and for some reason or other, assumed the form of the animal. It is probably not without significance that in Greek mythology the gods in general, and Zeus in particular, are commonly said to have submitted to this change of shape for the purpose of prosecuting a love adventure. Such stories may well reflect a custom of a Sacred Marriage at which the actors played the parts of the worshipful animals. With the growth of culture these local worships, the relics of a barbarous age, would be explained away by tales of the loves of the gods, and, gradually falling out of practice, would survive only as myths.

      Analogy of the Wolf Society of Arcadia to the Leopard Society of west Africa.

      It is said that at the festival of the Wolf-god Zeus, held every nine years on the Wolf-mountain in Arcadia, a man tasted of the bowel of a human victim mixed with the bowels of animals, and having tasted it he was turned into a wolf, and remained a wolf for nine years, when he changed back again into a man if in the interval he had abstained from eating human flesh.224 The tradition points to the existence of a society of cannibal wolf-worshippers, one or more of whom personated, and were supposed to embody, the sacred animal for periods of nine years together. Their theory and practice would seem to have agreed with those of the Human Leopard Societies of western Africa, whose members disguise themselves in the skins of leopards with sharp claws of steel. In that guise they attack and kill men in order to eat their flesh or to extract powerful charms from their bodies.225 Their mode of gaining recruits is like that of the Greek Wolf Society. When a visitor came to a village inhabited by a Leopard Society, “he was invited to partake of food, in which was mixed a small quantity of human flesh. The guest all unsuspectingly partook of the repast, and was afterwards told that human flesh formed one of the ingredients of the meal, and that it was then necessary that he should join the society, which was invariably done.”226 As the ancient Greeks thought that a man might be turned into a wolf, so these negroes believe that he can be changed into a leopard; and, like the Greeks, some of them fancy that if the transformed man abstains during his transformation from preying on his fellows he can regain his human shape, but that if he once laps human blood he must remain a leopard for ever.227

      Legend of the transformation of Cadmus and Harmonia into serpents. Transmigration of the souls of the dead into serpents. Kings claim kinship with the most powerful animals.

      The hypothesis that the ancient kings of Thebes and Delphi had for their sacred animal the serpent or dragon, and claimed kinship with the creature, derives some countenance from the tradition that at the end of their lives Cadmus and his wife Harmonia quitted Thebes and went to reign over a tribe of Encheleans or Eel-men in Illyria, where they were both finally transformed into dragons or serpents.228 To the primitive mind an eel is a water-serpent;229 it can hardly, therefore, be an accident that the serpent-killer afterwards reigned over a tribe of eel-men and himself became a serpent at last. Moreover, according to one account, his wife Harmonia was a daughter of the very dragon which he slew.230 The tradition would fit in well with the hypothesis that the dragon or serpent was the sacred animal of the old royal house of Thebes, and that the kingdom fell to him who slew his predecessor and married his daughter. We have seen reason to think that such a mode of succession to the throne was common in antiquity.231 The story of the final transformation of Cadmus and Harmonia into snakes may be a relic of a belief that the souls of the dead kings and queens of Thebes transmigrated into the bodies of serpents, just as Caffre kings turn at death into boa-constrictors or deadly black snakes.232 Indeed the notion that the souls of the dead lodge in serpents is widely spread in Africa and Madagascar.233 Other African tribes believe that their dead kings and chiefs turn into lions, leopards, hyaenas, pythons, hippopotamuses, or other creatures, and the animals are respected and spared accordingly.234 In like manner the Semang and other wild tribes of the Malay Peninsula imagine that the souls of their chiefs, priests, and magicians transmigrate at death into the bodies of certain wild beasts, such as elephants, tigers, and rhinoceroses, and that in their bestial form the dead men extend a benign protection to their living human kinsfolk.235 Even during their lifetime kings in rude society sometimes claim kinship with the most formidable beasts of the country. Thus the royal family of Dahomey specially worships the leopard; some of the king's wives are distinguished by the title of Leopard Wives, and on state occasions they wear striped cloths to resemble the animal.236 One king of Dahomey, on whom the French made war, bore the name of Shark; hence in art he was represented sometimes with a shark's body and a human head, sometimes with a human body and the head of a shark.237 The Trocadero Museum at Paris contains the wooden images of three kings of Dahomey who reigned during the nineteenth century, and who are all represented partly in human and partly in animal form. One of them, Guezo, bore the surname of the Cock, and his image represents him as a man covered with feathers. His son Guelelé, who succeeded him on the throne, was surnamed the Lion, and his effigy is that of a lion rampant with tail raised and hair on his body, but with human feet and hands. Guelelé was succeeded on the throne by his son Behanzin, who was surnamed the Shark, and his effigy portrays him standing upright with the head and body of a fish, the fins and scales being carefully represented, while his arms and legs are those of a man.238 Again, a king of Benin was called Panther, and a bronze statue of him, now in the Anthropological Museum at Berlin, represents him with a panther's whiskers.239 Such portraits furnish an exact parallel to what I conceive to be the true story of the Minotaur. On the Gold Coast of Africa a powerful ruler is commonly addressed as “O Elephant!” or “O Lion!” and one of the titles of the king of Ashantee, mentioned at great ceremonies, is borri, the name of a venomous snake.240 It has been argued that King

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<p>221</p>

A. B. Cook, “The European Sky-god,” Folk-lore, xv. (1904) pp. 423 sq.

<p>222</p>

Pausanias, ix. 3. 4. See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, vol. ii. p. 140.

<p>223</p>

A. B. Cook, “The European Sky-god,” Folk-lore, xv. (1904) pp. 402 sqq.

<p>224</p>

Plato, Republic, viii. p. 565 d e; Polybius, vii. 13; Pliny, Nat. hist. viii. 81; Varro, cited by Augustine, De civitate Dei, xviii. 17; Pausanias, vi. 8. 2, viii. 2. 3-6.

<p>225</p>

Mary H. Kingsley, Travels in West Africa, pp. 536-543; T. J. Alldridge, The Sherbro and its Hinterland (London, 1901), pp. 153-159; compare R. H. Nassau, Fetichism in West Africa (London, 1904), pp. 200-203.

<p>226</p>

T. J. Alldridge, op. cit. p. 154.

<p>227</p>

A. Bastian, Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Küste, ii. 248.

<p>228</p>

Apollodorus, iii. 5. 4; Strabo, vii. 7. 8, p. 326; Ovid, Metam. iv. 563-603; Hyginus, Fabulae, 6; Nicander, Theriaca, 607 sqq.

<p>229</p>

A. van Gennep, Tabou et totémisme à Madagascar (Paris, 1904), p. 326.

<p>230</p>

Dercylus, quoted by a scholiast on Euripides, Phoenissae, 7; Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, iv. 387. The writer rationalises the legend by representing the dragon as a Theban man of that name whom Cadmus slew. On the theory here suggested this Euhemeristic version of the story is substantially right.

<p>231</p>

See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 268 sqq.

<p>232</p>

David Leslie, Among the Zulus and Amatongas, Second Edition (Edinburgh, 1875), p. 213. Compare H. Callaway, The Religious System of the Amazulu, Part II., pp. 196, 211.

<p>233</p>

See Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, pp. 73 sqq.

<p>234</p>

D. Livingstone, Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa, p. 615; Miss A. Werner, The Natives of British Central Africa (London, 1906), p. 64; L. Decle, Three Years in Savage Africa (London, 1898), p. 74; J. Roscoe, “The Bahima,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxvii. (1907) pp. 101 sq.; Major J. A. Meldon, “Notes on the Bahima,” Journal of the African Society, No. 22 (January, 1907), pp. 151-153; J. A. Chisholm, “Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Winamwanga and Wiwa,” Journal of the African Society, No. 36 (July, 1910), pp. 374, 375; P. Alois Hamberger, in Anthropos, v. (1910) p. 802.

<p>235</p>

W. W. Skeat and C. O. Blagden, Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula (London, 1906), ii. 194, 197, 221, 227, 305.

<p>236</p>

A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, pp. 74 sq.

<p>237</p>

This I learned from Professor F. von Luschan in the Anthropological Museum at Berlin.

<p>238</p>

M. Delafosse, in La Nature, No. 1086 (March 24th, 1894), pp. 262-266; J. G. Frazer, “Statues of Three Kings of Dahomey,” Man, viii. (1908) pp. 130-132. King Behanzin, surnamed the Shark, is doubtless the King of Dahomey referred to by Professor von Luschan (see the preceding note).

<p>239</p>

The statue was pointed out to me and explained by Professor F. von Luschan.

<p>240</p>

A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast, pp. 205 sq.