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of Hezekiah was worshipped with fumes of burning incense,241 represented the old sacred animal of his house.242 In Europe the bull, the serpent, and the wolf would naturally be on the list of royal beasts.

      The serpent the royal animal at Athens and Salamis.

      If the king's soul was believed to pass at death into the sacred animal, a custom might arise of keeping live creatures of the species in captivity and revering them as the souls of dead rulers. This would explain the Athenian practice of keeping a sacred serpent on the Acropolis and feeding it with honey cakes; for the serpent was identified with Erichthonius or Erechtheus, one of the ancient kings of Athens, of whose palace some vestiges have been discovered in recent times. The creature was supposed to guard the citadel. During the Persian invasion a report that the serpent had left its honey-cake untasted was one of the strongest reasons which induced the people to abandon Athens to the enemy; they thought that the holy reptile had forsaken the city.243 Again, Cecrops, the first king of Athens, is said to have been half-serpent and half-man;244 in art he is represented as a man from the waist upwards, while the lower part of his body consists of the coils of a serpent.245 It has been suggested that like Erechtheus he was identical with the serpent on the Acropolis.246 Once more, we are told that Cychreus gained the kingdom of Salamis by slaying a snake which ravaged the island,247 but that after his death he, like Cadmus, appeared in the form of the reptile.248 Some said that he was a man who received the name of Snake on account of his cruelty.249 Such tales may preserve reminiscences of kings who assumed the style of serpents in their lifetime and were believed to transmigrate into serpents after death. Like the dragons of Thebes and Delphi, the Athenian serpent appears to have been conceived as a creature of the waters; for the serpent-man Erechtheus was identified with the water-god Poseidon,250 and in his temple, the Erechtheum, where the serpent lived, there was a tank which went by the name of “the sea of Erechtheus.”251

      The wedding of Cadmus and Harmonia at Thebes may have been a dramatic representation of the marriage of the sun and moon at the end of the eight years' cycle.

      If the explanation of the eight years' cycle which I have adopted holds good for Thebes and Delphi, the octennial festivals held at these places probably had some reference to the sun and moon, and may have comprised a sacred marriage of these luminaries. The solar character of Apollo, whether original or adventitious, lends some countenance to this view, but at both Delphi and Thebes the god was apparently an intruder who usurped the place of an older god or hero at the festival. At Thebes that older hero was Cadmus. Now Cadmus was a brother of Europa, who appears to have been a personification of the moon conceived in the form of a cow.252 He travelled westward seeking his lost sister till he came to Delphi, where the oracle bade him give up the search and follow a cow which had the white mark of the full moon on its flank; wherever the cow fell down exhausted, there he was to take up his abode and found a city. Following the cow and the directions of the oracle he built Thebes.253 Have we not here in another form the myth of the moon pursued and at last overtaken by the sun? and the famous wedding of Cadmus and Harmonia, to attend which all the gods came down from heaven,254 may it not have been at once the mythical marriage of the great luminaries and the ritual marriage of the king and queen of Thebes masquerading, like the king and queen of Cnossus, in the character of the lights of heaven at the octennial festival which celebrated and symbolised the conjunction of the sun and moon after their long separation, their harmony after eight years of discord? A better name for the bride at such a wedding could hardly have been chosen than Harmonia.

      This theory confirmed by the astronomical symbols carried by the Laurel-bearer at the octennial festival of Laurel-bearing. The Olympic festival seems to have been based on the octennial cycle. Mythical marriage of the sun and moon at Olympia.

      This theory is supported by a remarkable feature of the festival. At the head of the procession, immediately in front of the Laurel-bearer, walked a youth who carried in his hands a staff of olive-wood draped with laurels and flowers. To the top of the staff was fastened a bronze globe, with smaller globes hung from it; to the middle of the staff were attached a globe of medium size and three hundred and sixty-five purple ribbands, while the lower part of the staff was swathed in a saffron pall. The largest globe, we are told, signified the sun, the smaller the moon, and the smallest the stars, and the purple ribbands stood for the course of the year, being equal in number to the days comprised in it.255 The choir of virgins who followed the Laurel-bearer singing hymns256 may have represented the Muses, who are said to have sung and played at the marriage of Cadmus and Harmonia; down to late times the very spot in the market-place was shewn where they had discoursed their heavenly music.257 We may conjecture that the procession of the Laurel-bearing was preceded by a dramatic performance of the Slaying of the Dragon, and that it was followed by a pageant representative of the nuptials of Cadmus and Harmonia in the presence of the gods. On this hypothesis Harmonia, the wife of Cadmus, is only another form of his sister Europa, both of them being personifications of the moon. Accordingly in the Samothracian mysteries, in which the marriage of Cadmus and Harmonia appears to have been celebrated, it was Harmonia and not Europa whose wanderings were dramatically represented.258 The gods who quitted Olympus to grace the wedding by their presence were probably represented in the rites, whether celebrated at Thebes or in Samothrace, by men and women attired as deities. In like manner at the marriage of a Pharaoh the courtiers masqueraded in the likeness of the animal-headed Egyptian gods.259

      Within historical times the great Olympic festival was always held at intervals of four, not of eight, years. Yet it too would seem to have been based on the octennial cycle. For it always fell on a full moon, at intervals of fifty and of forty-nine lunar months alternately.260 Thus the total number of lunar months comprised in two successive Olympiads was ninety-nine, which is precisely the number of lunar months in the octennial cycle.261 It is possible that, as K. O. Müller conjectured,262 the Olympic games may, like the Pythian, have originally been celebrated at intervals of eight instead of four years. If that was so, analogy would lead us to infer that the festival was associated with a mythical marriage of the sun and moon. A reminiscence of such a marriage appears to survive in the legend that Endymion, the son of the first king of Elis, had fifty daughters by the Moon, and that he set his sons to run a race for the kingdom at Olympia.263 For, as scholars have already perceived, Endymion is the sunken sun overtaken by the moon below the horizon, and his fifty daughters by her are the fifty lunar months of an Olympiad or, more strictly speaking, of every alternate Olympiad.264 If the Olympic festival always fell, as many authorities have maintained, at the first full moon after the summer solstice,265 the time would be eminently appropriate for a marriage of the luminaries, since both of them might then be conceived to be at the prime of their vigour.

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<p>241</p>

2 Kings xviii. 4.

<p>242</p>

W. Robertson Smith, “Animal Worship and Animal Tribes,” Journal of Philology, ix. (1880) pp. 99 sq. Professor T. K. Cheyne prefers to suppose that the brazen serpent and the brazen “sea” in the temple at Jerusalem were borrowed from Babylon and represented the great dragon, the impersonation of the primaeval watery chaos. See Encyclopaedia Biblica, s. v. “Nehushtan,” vol. i. coll. 3387. The two views are perhaps not wholly irreconcilable. See below, pp. 111 sq.

<p>243</p>

Herodotus, viii. 41; Plutarch, Themistocles, 10; Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 758 sq., with the Scholium; Philostratus, Imagines, ii. 17. 6. Some said that there were two serpents ,Hesychius and Photius, Lexicon, s. v. οἰκουρὸν ὄφιν. For the identity of the serpent with Erichthonius, see Pausanias, i. 24. 7; Hyginus, Astronomica, ii. 13; Tertullian, De spectaculis, 9; compare Philostratus, Vit. Apoll. vii. 24; and for the identity of Erichthonius and Erechtheus, see Schol. on Homer, Iliad, ii. 547; Etymologicum magnum, p. 371, s. v. Ἐρεχθεύς. According to some, the upper part of Erichthonius was human and the lower part or only the feet serpentine. See Hyginus, Fabulae, 166; id., Astronomica, ii. 13; Schol. on Plato, Timaeus, p. 23 d; Etymologicum magnum, l. c.; Servius on Virgil, Georg. iii. 13. See further my notes on Pausanias i. 18. 2 and i. 26. 5, vol. ii. pp. 168 sqq., 330 sqq.

<p>244</p>

Apollodorus, iii. 14. i; Aristophanes, Wasps, 438. Compare J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, v. 641.

<p>245</p>

W. H. Roscher, Lexikon d. griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 1019. Compare Euripides, Ion, 1163 sqq.

<p>246</p>

O. Immisch, in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon d. griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 1023.

<p>247</p>

Apollodorus, iii. 12. 7; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 72; J. Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 110, 175, 451.

<p>248</p>

Pausanias, i. 36. 1. Another version of the story was that Cychreus bred a snake which ravaged the island and was driven out by Eurylochus, after which Demeter received the creature at Eleusis as one of her attendants (Hesiod, quoted by Strabo, ix. 1. 9, p. 393).

<p>249</p>

Stephanus Byzantius, s. v. Κυχρεῖος πάγος; Eustathius, Commentary on Dionysius, 507, in Geographi Graeci minores, ed. C. Müller, ii. 314.

<p>250</p>

Hesychius, s. v. Ἐρεχθεύς; Athenagoras, Supplicatio pro Christianis, 1; [Plutarch], Vit. X. Orat. p. 843 b c; Corpus inscriptionum Atticarum, i. No. 387, iii. Nos. 276, 805; compare Pausanias, i. 26. 5.

<p>251</p>

Apollodorus, iii. 14. 1; Herodotus, viii. 55; compare Pausanias, viii. 10. 4.

<p>252</p>

See above, p. 73.

<p>253</p>

Apollodorus, iii. 4. 1 sq.; Pausanias, ix. 12. 1 sq.; Schol. on Homer, Iliad, ii. 494; Hyginus, Fabulae, 178. The mark of the moon on the cow is mentioned only by Pausanias and Hyginus.

<p>254</p>

Apollodorus, iii. 4. 2; Euripides, Phoenissae, 822 sq.; Pindar, Pyth. iii. 155 sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, v. 49. 1; Pausanias, iii. 18. 12, ix. 12. 3; Schol. on Homer, Iliad, ii. 494.

<p>255</p>

Proclus, quoted by Photius, Bibliotheca, p. 321, ed. Bekker.

<p>256</p>

Proclus, l. c.

<p>257</p>

Pindar, Pyth. iii. 155 sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, v. 49. 1; Pausanias, ix. 12. 3; Schol. on Homer, Iliad, ii. 494.

<p>258</p>

Schol. on Euripides, Phoenissae, 7 καὶ νῦν ἔτι ἐν τῇ Σαμοθρᾴκῃ ζητοῦσιν αὐτὴν [scil. Ἁρμονίαν] ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς. According to the Samothracian account, Cadmus in seeking Europa came to Samothrace, and there, having been initiated into the mysteries, married Harmonia (Diodorus Siculus, v. 48 sq.). It is probable, though it cannot be proved, that the legend was acted in the mystic rites.

<p>259</p>

See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 133. Mr. A. B. Cook has suggested that the central scene on the eastern frieze of the Parthenon represents the king and queen of Athens about to take their places among the enthroned deities. See his article “Zeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,” Classical Review, xviii. (1904) p. 371. As the scenes on the frieze appear to have been copied from the Panathenaiac festival, it would seem, on Mr. Cook's hypothesis, that the sacred marriage of the King and Queen was celebrated on that occasion in presence of actors who played the parts of gods and goddesses. In this connexion it may not be amiss to remember that in the eastern gable of the Parthenon the pursuit of the moon by the sun was mythically represented by the horses of the sun emerging from the sea on the one side, and the horses of the moon plunging into it on the other.

<p>260</p>

Schol. on Pindar, Olymp. iii. 35 (20).

<p>261</p>

Compare Aug. Boeckh, on Pindar, l. c., Explicationes, p. 138; L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 366 sq.; G. F. Unger, “Zeitrechnung der Griechen und Römer,” in Iwan Müller's Handbuch der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, i. 605 sq. All these writers recognise the octennial cycle at Olympia.

<p>262</p>

K. O. Müller, Die Dorier,2 ii. 483; compare id. i. 254 sq.

<p>263</p>

Pausanias, v. 1. 4.

<p>264</p>

Aug. Boeckh, l. c.; A. Schmidt, Handbuch der griechischen Chronologie (Jena, 1888), pp. 50 sqq.; K. O. Müller, Die Dorier,2 i. 438; W. H. Roscher, Selene und Verwandtes, pp. 2 sq., 80 sq., 101.

<p>265</p>

See Aug. Boeckh and L. Ideler, ll.cc. More recent writers would date it on the second full moon after the summer solstice, hence in August or the last days of July. See G. F. Unger, l. c.; E. F. Bischoff, “De fastis Graecorum antiquioribus,” Leipziger Studien zur classischen Philologie, vii. (1884) pp. 347 sq.; Aug. Mommsen, Über die Zeit der Olympien (Leipsic, 1891); and my note on Pausanias, v. 9. 3 (vol. iii. pp. 488 sq.).