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and may not its intention have been, by means of sympathetic magic, to aid the great luminary to run his race on high? We have seen that during an eclipse of the sun the Chilcotin Indians walk in a circle, leaning on staves, apparently to assist the labouring orb. In Egypt also the king, who embodied the sun-god, seems to have solemnly walked round the walls of a temple for the sake of helping the sun on his way.195 If there is any truth in this conjecture, it would seem to follow that the sinuous lines of the labyrinth which the dancers followed in their evolutions may have represented the ecliptic, the sun's apparent annual path in the sky. It is some confirmation of this view that on coins of Cnossus the sun or a star appears in the middle of the labyrinth, the place which on other coins is occupied by the Minotaur.196

      Conclusions as to the king of Cnossus.

On the whole the foregoing evidence, slight and fragmentary as it is, points to the conclusion that at Cnossus the king represented the sun-god, and that every eight years his divine powers were renewed at a great festival, which comprised, first, the sacrifice of human victims by fire to a bull-headed image of the sun, and, second, the marriage of the king disguised as a bull to the queen disguised as a cow, the two personating respectively the sun and the moon.

      Octennial festivals of the Crowning at Delphi and the Laurel-bearing at Thebes. Both represented dramatically the slaying of a water-dragon.

      Whatever may be thought of these speculations, we know that many solemn rites were celebrated by the ancient Greeks at intervals of eight years.197 Amongst them, two deserve to be noticed here, because it has been recently suggested, with some appearance of probability, that they were based on an octennial tenure of the kingship.198 One was the Festival of the Crowning at Delphi; the other was the Festival of the Laurel-bearing at Thebes. In their general features the two festivals seem to have resembled each other very closely. Both represented dramatically the slaying of a great water-dragon by a god or hero; in both, the lad who played the part of the victorious god or hero crowned his brows with a wreath of sacred laurel and had to submit to a penance and purification for the slaughter of the beast. At Delphi the legendary slayer of the dragon was Apollo; at Thebes he was Cadmus.199 At both places the legendary penance for the slaughter seems to have been servitude for eight years.200 The evidence for the rites of the Delphic festival is fairly complete, but for the Theban festival it has to be eked out by vase-paintings, which represent Cadmus crowned with laurel preparing to attack the dragon or actually in combat with the monster, while goddesses bend over the champion, holding out wreaths of laurel to him as the mede of victory.201 It is true that in historical times Apollo appears to have ousted Cadmus from the festival, though not from the myth. But at Thebes the god was plainly a late intruder, for his temple lay outside the walls, whereas the most ancient sanctuaries stood in the oldest part of the city, the low hill which took its name of Cadmea from the genuine Theban hero Cadmus.202 It is not impossible that at Delphi also, and perhaps at other places where the same drama was acted,203 Apollo may have displaced an old local hero in the honourable office of dragon-slayer.

      Both at Delphi and at Thebes the dragon seems to have guarded the oracular spring and the oracular tree. The crown of laurel and the crown of oak. The Festival of Crowning at Delphi originally identical with the Pythian games.

      Both at Thebes and at Delphi the dragon guarded a spring,204 the water of which was probably deemed oracular. At Delphi the sacred spring may have been either Cassotis or the more famed Castaly, which issues from a narrow gorge, shut in by rocky walls of tremendous height, a little to the east of Apollo's temple. The waters of both were thought to be endowed with prophetic power.205 Probably, too, the monster was supposed to keep watch and ward over the sacred laurel, from which the victor in the combat wreathed his brows; for in vase-paintings the Theban dragon appears coiled beside the holy tree,206 and Euripides describes the Delphic dragon as covered by a leafy laurel.207 At all oracular seats of Apollo his priestess drank of the sacred spring and chewed the sacred laurel before she prophesied.208 Thus it would seem that the dragon, which at Delphi is expressly said to have been the guardian of the oracle,209 had in its custody both the instruments of divination, the holy tree and the holy water. We are reminded of the dragon or serpent, slain by Hercules, which guarded the golden apples of the Hesperides in the happy garden.210 But at Delphi the oldest sacred tree appears, as Mr. A. B. Cook has pointed out,211 to have been not a laurel but an oak. For we are told that originally the victors in the Pythian games at Delphi wore crowns of oak leaves, since the laurel had not yet been created.212 Now, like the Festival of Crowning, the Pythian games were instituted to commemorate the slaughter of the dragon;213 like it they were originally held every eighth year;214 the two festivals were celebrated nearly at the same time of the year;215 and the representative of Apollo in the one and the victors in the other were adorned with crowns made from the same sacred laurel.216 In short, the two festivals appear to have been in origin substantially identical; the distinction between them may have arisen when the Delphians decided to hold the Pythian games every fourth, instead of every eighth year.217 We may fairly suppose, therefore, that the leaf-crowned victors in the Pythian games, like the laurel-wreathed boy in the Festival of Crowning, formerly acted the part of the god himself. But if in the beginning these actors in the sacred drama wore wreaths of oak instead of laurel, it seems to follow that the deity whom they personated was the oak-god Zeus rather than the laurel-god Apollo; from which again we may infer that Delphi was a sanctuary of Zeus and the oak before it became the shrine of Apollo and the laurel.218

      Substitution of the laurel for the oak.

      But why should the crown of oak have ceased to be the badge of victory? and why should a wreath of laurel have taken its place? The abandonment of the oak crown may have been a consequence of the disappearance of the oak itself from the neighbourhood of Delphi; in Greece, as in Italy, the deciduous trees have for centuries been retreating up the mountain sides before the advance of the evergreens.219 When the last venerable oak, the rustling of whose leaves in the breeze had long been listened to as oracular, finally succumbed through age, or was laid low by a storm, the priests may have cast about for a tree of another sort to take its place. Yet they sought it neither in the lower woods of the valley nor in the dark forests which clothe the upper slopes of Parnassus above the frowning cliffs of Delphi. Legend ran that after the slaughter of the dragon, Apollo had purged himself from the stain of blood in the romantic Vale of Tempe, where the Peneus flows smoothly in a narrow defile between the lofty wooded steeps of Olympus and Ossa. Here the god crowned himself with a laurel wreath, and thither accordingly at the Festival of Crowning his human representative went to pluck the laurel for his brows.220 The custom, though doubtless ancient, can hardly have been original. We must suppose that in the beginning the dragon-guarded tree, whether an oak or a laurel, grew at Delphi itself. But why should the laurel be chosen as a substitute for the oak? Mr. A. B. Cook has suggested a plausible answer. The laurel leaf resembles so closely the leaf of the ilex or holm-oak in both shape and colour that an untrained observer may easily confuse the two. The upper surface of both is a dark glossy green, the lower surface shews a lighter tint.

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<p>195</p>

See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 312.

<p>196</p>

B. V. Head, Historia numorum, p. 389.

<p>197</p>

Censorinus, De die natali, 18. 6.

<p>198</p>

The suggestion was made by Mr. A. B. Cook. The following discussion of the subject is founded on his ingenious exposition. See his article, “The European Sky-god,” Folklore, xv. (1904) pp. 402-424.

<p>199</p>

As to the Delphic festival see Plutarch, Quaest. Graec. 12; id., De defectu oraculorum, 15; Strabo, ix. 3. 12, pp. 422 sq.; Aelian, Var. hist. iii. 1; Stephanus Byzantius, s. v. Δειπνίας; K. O. Müller, Die Dorier,2 i. 203 sqq., 321-324; Aug. Mommsen, Delphika (Leipsic, 1878), pp. 206 sqq.; Th. Schreiber, Apollo Pythoktonos, pp. 9 sqq.; my note on Pausanias, ii. 7. 7 (vol. ii. 53 sqq.). As to the Theban festival, see Pausanias, ix. 10. 4, with my note; Proclus, quoted by Photius, Bibliotheca, p. 321, ed. Bekker; Aug. Boeckh, in his edition of Pindar, Explicationes, p. 590; K. O. Müller, Orchomenus und die Minyer,2 pp. 215 sq.; id., Dorier,2 i. 236 sq., 333 sq.; C. Boetticher, Der Baumkultus der Hellenen, pp. 386 sqq.; G. F. Schömann, Griechische Alterthümer,4 ii. 479 sq.

<p>200</p>

Apollodorus, iii. 4. 2, iii. 10. 4; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. vii. 761. The servitude of Apollo is traditionally associated with his slaughter of the Cyclopes, not of the dragon. But see my note on Pausanias, ii. 7. 7 (vol. ii. pp. 53 sqq.).

<p>201</p>

W. H. Roscher's Lexikon d. griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 830, 838, 839. On an Etruscan mirror the scene of Cadmus's combat with the dragon is surrounded by a wreath of laurel (Roscher, op. cit. ii. 862). Mr. A. B. Cook was the first to call attention to these vase-paintings in confirmation of my view that the Festival of the Laurel-bearing celebrated the destruction of the dragon by Cadmus (Folklore, xv. (1904) p. 411, note 224).

<p>202</p>

Pausanias, ix. 10. 2; K. O. Müller, Die Dorier,2 i. 237 sq.

<p>203</p>

For evidence of the wide diffusion of the myth and the drama, see Th. Schreiber, Apollon Pythoktonos, pp. 39-50. The Laurel-bearing Apollo was worshipped at Athens, as we know from an inscription carved on one of the seats in the theatre. See E. S. Roberts and E. A. Gardner, Introduction to Greek Epigraphy, ii. (Cambridge, 1905) p. 467, No. 247.

<p>204</p>

Apollodorus, iii. 4. 3; Schol. on Homer, Iliad, ii. 494; Pausanias, ix. 10. 5; Homeric Hymn to Apollo, 300 sq. The writer of the Homeric hymn merely says that Apollo slew the Delphic dragon at a spring; but Pausanias (x. 6. 6) tells us that the beast guarded the oracle.

<p>205</p>

Pausanias, x. 8. 9, x. 24. 7, with my notes; Ovid, Amores, i. 15. 35 sq.; Lucian, Jupiter tragoedus, 30; Nonnus, Dionys. iv. 309 sq.; Suidas, s. v. Κασταλία.

<p>206</p>

W. H. Roscher, Lexikon d. griech. u. röm. Mythologie, ii. 830, 838.

<p>207</p>

Euripides, Iphigenia in Tauris, 1245 sq., where the reading κατάχαλκος is clearly corrupt.

<p>208</p>

Lucian, Bis accusatus, I. So the priest of the Clarian Apollo at Colophon drank of a secret spring before he uttered oracles in verse (Tacitus, Annals, ii. 54; Pliny, Nat. hist. ii. 232).

<p>209</p>

Euripides, Iphigenia in Tauris, 1245 sqq.; Apollodorus, i. 4. I; Pausanias, x. 6. 6; Aelian, Var. hist. iii. i; Hyginus, Fabulae, 140; Schol. on Homer, Iliad, ii. 519; Schol. on Pindar, Pyth. Argument, p. 298, ed. Boeckh.

<p>210</p>

Euripides, Hercules Furens, 395 sqq.; Apollodorus, ii. 5. II; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 26; Eratosthenes, Catasterism. 3; Schol. on Euripides, Hippolytus, 742; Schol. on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon, iv. 1396.

<p>211</p>

A. B. Cook, “The European Sky-god,” Folklore, xv. (1904) p. 413.

<p>212</p>

Ovid, Metam. i. 448 sqq.

<p>213</p>

Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. i. I, p. 2, and ii. 34, p. 29, ed. Potter; Aristotle, Peplos, Frag. (Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum, ii. p. 189, No. 282, ed. C. Müller); John of Antioch, Frag. i. 20 (Frag. histor. Graec. iv. p. 539, ed. C. Müller); Jamblichus, De Pythagor. vit. x. 52; Schol. on Pindar, Pyth. Argum. p. 298, ed. Boeckh; Ovid, Metam. i. 445 sqq.; Hyginus, Fabulae, 140.

<p>214</p>

Schol. on Pindar, l. c.; Censorinus, De die natali, 18. 6; compare Eustathius on Homer, Od. iii. 267, p. 1466. 29.

<p>215</p>

Plutarch, De defectu oraculorum, 3, compared with id. 15; Aug. Mommsen, Delphika, pp. 211, 214; Th. Schreiber, Apollon Pythoktonos (Leipsic, 1879), pp. 32 sqq.

<p>216</p>

Aelian, Var. hist. iii. I; Schol. on Pindar, l. c.

<p>217</p>

On the original identity of the festivals see Th. Schreiber, Apollon Pythoktonus, pp. 37 sq.; A. B. Cook, in Folklore, xv. (1904) pp. 404 sq.

<p>218</p>

The inference was drawn by Mr. A. B. Cook, whom I follow. See his article, “The European Sky-god,” Folk-lore, xv. (1904) pp. 412 sqq.

<p>219</p>

See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, vol. i. p. 8.

<p>220</p>

Aelian, Var. hist. iii. 1; Schol. on Pindar, Pyth. Argum. p. 298, ed. Boeckh.