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its origin empty. Firstly, all the provinces are in hunger; however, because of their dignity, they were struggling in hunger behind closed doors. Secondly, each province won’t hesitate to share its neighbor’s ill fate – it brought itself down without disclosing its neighbor’s hunger and misfortune. The “I” and “they” binary have disappeared not only in words but also in thoughts as each province takes the pain on itself and carries it within. Thus, the aqumada that reached Tigray was not “empty” but filled with the shared compassion and empathy from each province. As a result, the moment Tigray identified that the aqumada was its own, it stated the following:

      “My brothers and I, all of us, – all of us

      Our love pours out of the empty aqumada

      This is our unity

      This is our culture”

      (159)

      Shame and embarrassment have been transformed into an unprecedented opportunity that creates a sense of national belonging. The “empty” aqumada has become an embodiment of compassion and empathy that are part of the moral content of the national identity. It is this shared identity with everyone’s uniqueness etched within that is placed as a flag upon the Aksum obelisk. Nevertheless, this national vision could not be sustained as it was dismantled following the 1991 ethno‐nationalist force’s military victory. What came next was Eritrea’s secession from Ethiopia and the replacement of the existing provinces by an ethnic federal structure.

      After 1991, the government led by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which ousted the military Derg regime and is still in power, created a constitutional transformation by establishing a federal system based on ethno‐linguistic lines as opposed to territorial boundaries. Through this constitution, the “ancient” Ethiopia was literally destroyed and replaced by a “new” Ethiopia that is based on ethnic politics. According to Jon Abbink, “It is, purposely or not, set on the further strengthening of ethnicity as a political identity and as the vessel for ‘democratic rights’” (1997, 173). Recognizing ethnic rights that were neglected by previous regimes can be considered as a strength for this ruling. However, the cultivation of ethnic fetishism with the inclusion of the right to secession in the constitution and the consideration of Ethiopia’s ancientness as a taboo and dissociating itself from it have become critical problems leading to its failure.

      The Amharic language in the post‐Derg period has been systematically challenged to prevent it from fulfilling its role of national integration that began during the reign of Emperor Tewodros II. Surely the era of ethnic nationalism that is still in the air since 1991 is a literary and political engagement period for Amharic literature, which has been forced to struggle for survival. During this period, Adam Retta is the champion in every way by any measurement.

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