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most part were proud to trace their descent from the earliest settlers along the James; many were wealthy, and all had long been distinguished for their hospitality.

      Beyond this favored region the country, which slopes gradually down to the upper Potomac and the Ohio, is marked by a succession of parallel ranges separated by fertile valleys; but like the large tract which encircled the Adirondacks and a similar one in northern Pennsylvania, the Virginian wilderness remained untouched by the ceaseless tide of immigration which at the close of the Revolution swept westward from the Atlantic seaboard. For this uninviting region the second Federal census indicates less than two inhabitants to the square mile; by 1810 pioneers from the line of the Ohio river encroached on its silent forests. At the next census, however, a portion was still unoccupied, but in the succeeding decennial period it received from various points, chiefly from Pennsylvania, Ohio and New England, many enterprising and thrifty settlers. The sixth census, that of 1840, represents the entire tract as sparsely inhabited.[157] Its abundant resources, then but little developed, subsequently gave rise to a great variety of profitable industries, and it advanced rapidly in population. Extensive plantations, however, were few; the number of slaves, owing somewhat to the facility for escape, had always been small, and in the ten years preceding the outbreak of hostilities had actually diminished by upwards of two thousand.[158] Though it then contained nearly one fourth of the whites, it included no more than one thirtieth of the negroes in the State. Their labor, too, except in other than agricultural occupations, afforded little remuneration. In consequence of its productions as well as its location both the interests and sympathies of the people were with the adjoining States of Ohio and Pennsylvania.

      But, apart from geographical considerations, northwestern Virginia had a grievance of long standing: for years its inhabitants had complained that they were not fairly represented in the Legislature, and the immunity from taxation enjoyed by their fellow-citizens east of the mountains was a discrimination too gross to escape attention. The slave oligarchy, they declared, possessed and wielded for its own advantage the political power of the State. The question of its dismemberment had been discussed as early as 1829–30, when the mountain sons of Virginia were on the verge of revolution. The East then yielded a pittance of power, which, though far short of the demands of justice, reconciled western Virginians for the time. In 1850 they were again on the point of insurrection. On this occasion adequate representation was conceded in the lower though withheld in the upper chamber of the General Assembly, the dominant party thus retaining control of that body as well as the benefits of a constitutional provision by which slaves under the age of twelve years were exempt from taxation, and of those liable to assessment none could be valued at more than three hundred dollars even if worth in the market a thousand dollars or upwards.[159] Moreover, much of the public revenue was expended upon internal improvements for the eastern section of the State. The Shenandoah Valley, at one time showing signs of discontent, was bound by the construction of railways, in social as well as in commercial life, more firmly to Richmond. In short, the Alleghanies formed a barrier almost completely cutting off intercourse between the two divisions. Their relations were well expressed by Governor Pierpont, who told Senator Wade that there was no communication whatever between the people except the furnishing a few members to the Legislature and a few inmates of the penitentiary.[160] Their different interests tended to alienate the sections; the hand of nature had traced the line of separation.

      Now, however, that a crisis was impending, the Richmond authorities, to harmonize every element within their Commonwealth, were willing to forego this privilege; to share the burdens of State administration, to meet State liabilities, and generally to place themselves on a footing of equality with their fellow-citizens along the Ohio. This concession, by a majority of 50,000, was actually extorted in an election from the prudence or the fears of disunionists whose magnanimity was duly emphasized by Governor Letcher in an appeal to the people of the northwest.[161] The latter refused, notwithstanding, to acquiesce in the action of the secession convention which, so far as it was able to do so, carried their State, as a political organization, out of the Union.

      It may be affirmed generally that the professional politicians and large property owners of this region were disloyal;[162] State officials with surprising unanimity were ardent advocates of secession and active in committing their Commonwealth to its support. An overwhelming proportion of the plain people, however, were devotedly attached to the Union and determined on its preservation. Therefore when the Richmond State government attempted to execute its laws in these parts it encountered the most spirited resistance. Especially was this true in the Pan Handle counties, where opposition was promptly organized.

      Probably the first consultation upon the grave questions that had arisen was held at the Court House in Wellsburgh, Brooke County, where a large number of citizens from that and the adjacent county of Hancock assembled to hear the report of Mr. Campbell Tarr, their delegate to Richmond. From Harrison came Hon. John S. Carlile, who, like Mr. Tarr, narrowly escaped with his life from that city, where he had represented his county in the convention. They reported the proceedings of that body and urged immediate preparation to resist. As a result of this discussion a committee of four was appointed to procure arms and ammunition in Washington. En route thither they had an interview at Harrisburg with Governor Curtin, who not only expressed sympathy with their object, but promised assistance if necessary. On arriving at the national capital they called upon Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, who was a native of Steubenville, Ohio, and a warm personal friend of each member of the committee. They were immediately presented to Mr. Cameron, Secretary of War, who, on learning the purpose of their visit, manifested some hesitation as to his legal right to comply with their request. Upon this Mr. Stanton declared with emphasis that “the law of necessity gives the right,” and added, “let them have arms and ammunition; we will look for the book law afterwards.”[163] Two thousand rifles with suitable ammunition were then furnished, and as security for their proper use Mr. Stanton tendered his own name. From Wellsburgh, where they were temporarily kept in expectation of a rebel attack, these arms were sent for distribution to Wheeling.

      United States troops from Ohio and Indiana together with local volunteers soon drove the Confederate forces from this region, and subsequently, though often menaced, it was almost exempt from the ravages of war.[164] Thus encouraged, Union men resolved to form a political organization coextensive with Virginia or to establish a separate and distinct State. Preliminary movements toward that end were promptly inaugurated, and, April 22, 1861, five days after the passage of the ordinance, nearly 1,200 citizens of Clarksburgh denounced in a public meeting the action of the secession convention and recommended the people of northwestern Virginia to assemble on May 13 at Wheeling. On the 4th a Union mass meeting had been held at Kingwood, near the northern border. The separation of western from eastern Virginia was declared by this body to be essential to the maintenance of their liberties. They also resolved to elect a Representative to Congress. On the following day there convened at Wheeling another assemblage, which considered the question of separating from that portion of the State in rebellion. About the same time other gatherings were held in different localities.

      There were thousands of eager and earnest patriots in the city of Wheeling on May 13, when nearly four hundred delegates, mostly appointed by primary meetings, and representing twenty-six counties, assembled to deliberate on the situation. The best method of organizing opposition to treason was the question: how to inaugurate a government which the Federal authorities would recognize and protect?[165] On this important subject there is said to have been considerable diversity of opinion; the decision finally reached was based upon a suggestion by one of the members that since Governor Letcher and other State officers, by adhering to the pretended ordinance of secession, had forfeited their powers, and the existing constitution made no provision for such an emergency, the only way was to ask the people, the source of all political power, to send delegates to a convention authorized to supply their places with loyal men. This proposal was presented to the meeting and adopted with great unanimity.[166] A General State Committee, empowered to appoint sub-committees in all counties where practicable, was then named, and a stirring address put forth. It announced their purpose and urged all loyal citizens to elect representatives to a second convention. Copies of this appeal were sent to influential citizens throughout the State, and it was agreed after a session of three days to choose on May 26

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