Liberalism and Capitalism Today - Paul-Jacques Lehmann

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is presented in parliamentary form, and on the equalization of human conditions: all citizens participate, through voting in elections, in political decisions, which means that thanks to democracy the rules governing society are not arbitrary, if they still exist, but correspond to what citizens really want. The risk of abuse of power is then minimized. Weber added that as a process of formal rationalization, democracy makes it possible to substitute negotiation for violent conflict. It is through the development of education for as many people as possible that democracy can be achieved.

      The consequences go even further if the privileges of aristocratic society are withdrawn and everyone is allowed access to culture and education. Democracy is also a guarantee of political stability, thus of order, which gives political authorities the necessary legitimacy to vote, and subsequently to apply the laws vital to the existence of economic liberalism. In fact, governments elected by the people have the duty to protect by all means the freedom of each person by preventing the interference of anyone in the private domain.

      In de Tocqueville’s view, democracy also corresponds to a fundamental change in the economic environment. The principles on which it is based quickly impose themselves on all economic actors and allow economic liberalism to function harmoniously. Conversely, political freedom is impossible without economic freedom, in particular without the freedom to undertake: it is only when economic need is freely expressed and satisfied that democracy can take hold since it is a source of individual responsibility and mutual respect, given that people are now obliged to live at their own risk. The result is a gradual elimination of the instability of the social hierarchy by reducing the differences in wealth and the fluidity of the structure of society.

      Each social class has a different view of its positions: subordination and domination are no longer suffered and are all the better accepted as every individual, as we have just said, can, if they give themself the means, access any social status. Indeed, the democratic “social state” includes in its very nature a social mobility that is limitless in principle, whereas such a possibility is unlikely in aristocratic society governed by hereditary differences.

      This evolution is normal, for there is no reason to think that servants form a separate people. They are the equals of their masters. They can, moreover, become, in their turn and at any time, masters. De Tocqueville believes that servants and masters are like officers and soldiers: apart from the army, which imposes a hierarchy, they are all citizens with no specific customs or morals, especially since there is no hierarchy in their ranks. If some have the right to command and others are forced to obey and serve, it is only by virtue of an agreement of their wills, in the form of a freely established contract that sets out the conditions of command and obedience and from which it is almost impossible for them to deviate. Moreover, this contract is limited in time and can be terminated. However, when he speaks of the labor contract, Weber is careful to emphasize that the existence of a formally free agreement between the employer and the workers does not in any way exclude a “relationship of domination“ that is manifested in work orders and directives.

      While they remain equal as people and as citizens, they become inferior to one another by the effect of this contract, which is the determining element in the situation of each one who, by this very fact, commits to it: the master finds in it the origin of their power and the servant the only cause of their obedience. Indeed, there are still inequalities, but those that remain are better accepted, because at least in theory, one can take the place of the other. De Tocqueville (2010) then asserts that the members of homo democraticus benefit from statutory equality, as “men are born and remain free and equal in law. Social distinctions can only be based on common utility”.

      1.1.4. The economic consequences of democracy

      De Tocqueville insists on the many economic consequences that democracy brings about by leading to the subjective progression of equality of conditions, which leads to the emergence of a middle class for which material well-being appears fundamental: democratic society is at the origin of the entrepreneurial spirit, the desire for wealth replacing the desire for glory. Moreover, the search for equality is self-feeding, because “the first and liveliest of the passions that equality gives rise to is the love of that same equality”. A race for equality never ceases to manifest itself, so as to possess more and more. A feeling of frustration very quickly appears, explained by the fact that each individual compares themself to someone who benefits from a situation just above their own. However, since equality is never total, frustration becomes general and perpetual. Indeed, “men will never establish any equality with which they can be contented. Whatever efforts a people may make, they will never succeed in reducing all the conditions of society to a perfect level; and even if they unhappily attained that absolute and complete depression, the inequality of minds would still remain, which, coming directly from the hand of God, will forever escape the laws of man” (de Tocqueville 2010).

      However, the number of very wealthy people can only decrease, mainly because property wealth is much less important. As a result, we find a “[…] multitude of men almost alike, who, without being exactly either rich or poor, are possessed of sufficient property to desire the maintenance of order, yet not enough to excite envy”. The greater equality that spreads then makes the situation of the poorest even more unbearable and leads to movements that demand ever greater equality, since humans are never satisfied with their lot.

      In his historical research, de Tocqueville compares people who have remained at a primitive stage, under the control of a government that oppresses them in great misery but “who have serene expressions and can feign a cheerful mood”, and people who are much freer and more cultured (taking the example of the United States), benefiting from much more favorable conditions that should normally make them happy, but who appear “serious and almost sad even in their pleasures”. This difference can be explained by the fact that “the former do not think of the evils they endure, while the latter constantly think of the goods they do not

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