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to services but without impacting the wealth of the rich. The case of São Paulo suggests that easy distribution policies may be implemented under any government (although they are usually also first developed under left‐wing administrations), while hard distribution only happens during left‐wing governments.8

      However, these processes worked differently according to governance patterns, multiplying the variations between policy sectors. Several policy‐specific elements help to explain different rhythms and resiliences that reinforce or hamper latency. The presence of actors and finance from higher levels – both federal and international – create more resilience and make the return from latency easier, along with policy institutionalization (in laws, administrative procedures and organizational structures). Highly capacitated bureaucracies and conditions of institutional insulation also contribute to resilience. The effect of policy instruments works along the same lines, as micro‐institutions that operationalize policies and depoliticize implementation once in progress, regardless of their intrinsically political character, sustaining the policy's logic even in the absence of concrete actors (Lascoumes and Le Galès 2007). One of the most critical elements to reinforce resilience and allow reanimation from latency, however, is the fit (Skocpol 1992) and embeddedness of policy actors in the bureaucracy and society, mainly in civil society organizations and academic circles. Finally, policies that hurt the interests of elite actors, as well as those of service providers, tend to be less resilient, as programs that produce hard redistribution. As we shall see in the following chapters, these processes operate differently by policy area, contributing to various degrees of resilience and different rhythms into and out of latency.

A table depicts the trajectories of redistributive policy changes. A table depicts the trajectories of redistributive policy changes.

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