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acts was general and immediate. As soon as the provisions of the Boston Port Bill became known, the colonies all saw that they must act together or be individually crushed. Public opinion rapidly took definite form. This was largely the work of committees of correspondence, organized at Faneuil Hall, Boston, chiefly through the energy and foresight of Samuel Adams. In Virginia a similar mode of procedure was adopted the following year, and an invitation was extended to all the colonies to appoint committees for the same purpose. The work of these committees was to make each colony acquainted with the views of all the others.

      Carpenters’ Hall, Philadelphia.

      139. First Continental Congress.—As a result of the agitation that followed, Massachusetts, at the request of New York, called for a meeting of representatives of the various colonies, to be convened early in September, 1774. The governor of Georgia prohibited the appointment of delegates, but representatives of the twelve other colonies met on the 5th of September, in Carpenters’ Hall, in Philadelphia. This body is known as the “First Continental Congress.” It contained a large share of the ablest men in the country. After adopting a Declaration of Colonial Rights, in which the political claims of the colonies were clearly and fully set forth, they named eleven different acts, which they declared had been passed in violation of their rights since the accession of George III. They framed a petition to the king, as well as an address to the people of Great Britain, and then formed what was called “The American Association,” the object of which was to put a stop to all trade with Great Britain until the obnoxious laws should be repealed. After providing for another congress, to be held in the following spring, the meeting adjourned on the 26th of October.

       Table of Contents

      140. General Gage and the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts.—While these actions were taking place in Philadelphia, affairs were drifting to an immediate crisis in Massachusetts. General Gage, now governor of Massachusetts, as well as military commander, was fully inspired with the spirit of his royal master. He promptly sent to Chelsea for military stores and began a system of fortifications. The colonists, easily perceiving the significance of the British general’s action, took similar measures of precaution. In order to be independent of General Gage, they also organized what is known as “The Provincial Congress of Massachusetts”; and this body, on the very day when the First Continental Congress adjourned, authorized the organization of a military force, consisting of all the able-bodied men in the colony. One fourth of these were to be always ready for action, and, hence, were known as minutemen. After making provisions for supplying the army with the necessary equipment and munitions, the Provincial Congress intrusted the conduct of affairs to the general control of a Committee of Safety, of which John Hancock,[66] a wealthy merchant of Boston, was the chairman.

      John Hancock.

      Statue of Minuteman

       at Concord.

      141. Gage’s Purpose.—It was not long before blood was shed. There were certain military stores at Concord, and General Gage determined to seize them. For this purpose he dispatched very secretly about eight hundred men, under Lieutenant Colonel Smith and Major Pitcairn. The expedition had still another object. The king having ordered the arrest of John Hancock and Samuel Adams, these leaders had withdrawn from Boston and were the guests of a friend in Lexington. Gage had learned where they were and had ordered their seizure by the troops bound for Concord. The British force, after taking the greatest precautions for secrecy, left the city on the night of the 18th of April. But the vigilant eye of a patriot, Dr. Warren, had detected the purpose of the movement.

      142. The Ride of Paul Revere.—In spite of Gage’s orders that nobody should leave Boston that night, Paul Revere, a Boston goldsmith, succeeded in crossing the Charles River—having previously attended to setting an alarm signal in the tower of the Old North Church—and galloped by the Medford road toward Lexington, shouting at every house that the British were coming.

      143. Battles of Lexington and Concord.—The minutemen instantly assembled and drew up on Lexington Common to meet the British when they appeared. Pitcairn ordered them to disperse, but seeing no signs of their moving, first fired his own pistols and then ordered a volley. Eight men were killed and ten wounded. Although the Americans fired in return, they were in no condition to offer battle. Hancock and Adams, having received the necessary warning, made timely escape. The troops pushed on to Concord, but found that the greater part of the stores had been removed. Four hundred Americans then charged across the Concord bridge and drove back the British. The minutemen were by this time streaming in from every direction, and as the British were fired upon from behind trees and fences, they had nothing to do but to beat a retreat. They were saved only by a timely reënforcement of twelve hundred men under Lord Percy. In the course of the expedition the British lost two hundred and seventy-three; the Americans, eighty-eight. The battles of Lexington and Concord, April 19, 1775, proclaimed to everybody that war had begun. The readiness with which the people responded to the call was shown by the fact that among the killed and wounded on that day there were representatives of twenty-three different towns. Within less than a week General Gage found himself surrounded in Boston by a motley force of sixteen thousand Americans armed with such weapons as they could secure.

      References for Chapters VI.–VII.—Sir G. O. Trevelyan, American Revolution, Vol. I., contains probably the best account of the Boston campaign; J. Fiske, American Revolution (2 vols.), is a delightful presentation of the whole period; H. C. Lodge, Story of the Revolution (2 vols.); G. Bancroft, History of the United States (revised edition); R. Hildreth, History of the United States, Vol. III.; W. E. H. Lecky, England in the Eighteenth Century, the part relating to the American war is exceedingly thorough, careful, and valuable; Lord Mahon, History of England (7 vols.), more inclined to the British view than Lecky or Trevelyan; M. C. Tyler, Literary History of the American Revolution (2 vols.), an invaluable work on the history of public opinion during the period, and especially noteworthy in showing the power of the Tories; M. C. Tyler, Patrick Henry; H. C. Lodge, George Washington (2 vols.); E. J. Lowell, Hessians; T. Roosevelt, The Winning of the West, Vol. II.; Burke, Speech on Conciliation with America; Channing and Hart, Guide to American History; W. Niles, Principles and Acts of the American Revolution; J. Parton, Life of Franklin, Life of Jefferson; for other biographies, see Channing and Hart’s Guide, §§ 25, 32, 33, and 135; G. C. Eggleston, American War Ballads; W. Sargent, Loyalist Poetry of the Revolution; J. F. Cooper, The Spy, an admirable account of Tories about the Hudson; S. Weir Mitchell, Hugh Wynne, a picture of social conditions about Philadelphia; P. L. Ford, Janice Meredith, a portrayal of life in New Jersey during nearly the whole period of the war; H. Frederic, In the Valley, life on the Mohawk in the Revolutionary period; W. G. Simms, The Partisan, Mellichampe, The Scout, Katharine Walton, The Forayers, Eutaw, all relate to the conflict in the South; J. P. Kennedy, Horse-Shoe Robinson, also deals with the war in the South. For Paul Revere’s ride, see Longfellow’s poem in Tales of a Wayside Inn.

[57] In 1743 the governor of New York wrote that he “could not meet the Assembly without subjecting the king’s authority and himself to contempt.” The governor of South Carolina wrote, “The frame of the civil government is unhinged; the people have got the whole administration in their hands; the Constitution must be remodeled.” Governor Sherlock wrote that “Virginia had nothing more at heart than to lessen the influence of the crown.” The governor of New Jersey wrote of the legislature that he “could not bring the delegates into passing measures for suppressing the wicked spirit of rebellion.” The governor of Massachusetts wrote deploring “the mobbish turn

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