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go as far as Hayek. Publications of the Institute for Economic Affairs, for instance, a free-market think tank then and now, tended to accept the need for town planning of a kind but advocated a minimalist version employing a much-restricted regulatory framework. Frederick Pennance, for instance, sees planning as a facilitator of the market in land: ‘the true economic role of land planning … should be to improve the market’s efficiency in allocating land resources, not to impede and frustrate it’ and not to engage in ‘unbelievably complicated, unwieldy, market-clogging’ attempts to regulate (1967: 62).

      Peter Hall (1988: 11) puts the new ideological alliance well:

      in half a century of bureaucratic practice, planning had degenerated into a negative regulatory machine, designed to stifle all initiative, all creativity. Here was yet another historical irony: left-wing thought returned to the anarchistic, voluntaristic, small-scale, bottom-up roots of planning; right-wing think-tanks began to call for an entrepreneurial style of development; and the two almost seemed in danger of embracing back-of-stage.

      The two positions had a common enemy personified by the figure of the planner. But that enemy is, in reality, the state, which for one side, is effectively either the agent of capital or a bureaucratic force restraining the freedom and creativity of communities, while, for the other side, it represents autocratic power repressing entrepreneurial freedom. While for the planning mind of the Long Century the state was a largely beneficent promoter of order and justice, for the critics of the 1970s it had become a tyrant.

In the Long Century the state intervened significantly in the market for land. In large measure this was secured by the practices of town planning, which was organized and supported by the development of a particular disposition based on a mixture of ideas of social justice and a concern with order. The restriction of the property rights of landowners represented a degree of resistance to commodification. However, it did not go as far as many had wished; there was no nationalization of landed property and an experiment in taxing increases in land values brought about by planning decisions was not successful. At the same time, despite the assault on the theory and practice of town planning since the 1970s, much remains of the machinery of regulation so painfully assembled over the Long Century.

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