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their reasons, declining to take cheap shots, and so on. Civility is also readiness to offer to one’s interlocutors in political disagreement reasons and arguments that one sincerely believes they could appreciate the force of. That is, when disagreeing civilly, interlocutors actually address each other; they do not use the argumentative interaction as merely a tactical contest to stump or “own” a critic. Finally, when political disagreement is civil, interlocutors aspire not only to convince others of the correctness of their own position, they also seek to deepen everyone’s comprehension of the matter in dispute. This means that when arguing civilly, disputants do not seek merely to win converts, and they do not use the exchange as an occasion simply to mug to an audience of sympathetic onlookers.

      In short, civility in the sense we will use it here names the collection of tendencies that are necessary for political disagreement to yield enhanced understanding of the point in dispute, even if not agreement. Again, civility in this sense is obviously consistent with raising one’s voice, offering sharp rebuttals to one’s critics, and adopting a combative tone. In order to be civil, one needn’t be soft-spoken, calm, or resigning; one needs rather to argue honestly.

      Civility is nonetheless demanding. It may seem to be so demanding that no actual democratic citizen would even try to adhere to its requirements. And even if some democratic citizens do take up the challenge of civil political disagreement, it’s obvious that many more will not, and civility has value for democracy only if it is widespread among political disputants. So why bother?

      This is a serious challenge, and this entire book is an attempt to meet it. However, we can bring this chapter to a close with the following preliminary response.

      Yet here’s the intrigue. Although the dominant images of our politics are more dressed in the attire of civility (in the sense depicted above), our actual politics has become increasingly tribal – devoted to circle-the-wagons campaigns, celebrity spokespersons, and the on-point messaging of carefully curated and audience-tested party lines. Citizens seem increasingly unable to grasp the perspectives of those with whom they politically disagree, and yet they are fervently convinced that they need to be engaged in argument all the time. In short, as appeals to reason, argument, and evidence become more common in political communication, our capacity to actually disagree and argue – to respond to criticisms and objections, to address considerations that countervail our views, and to identify precisely where we think our opponents have erred – has significantly deteriorated. And here’s a notable irony: everyone seems to know this and bemoan it.

      Hence, our task in the following chapters is not to make a case for civility. Nor need we present a defense of democracy as involving an ethos of civility. Our readers already take themselves to be committed to the view that democracy requires citizens to engage in civil political debate. There’s no doubt about that. What’s more, our readers believe themselves to be proficient at civility. They see the troubles with public discourse as emerging mainly from the public vices of those on the other side. Our task instead is to propose a way of diagnosing the ways in which civility breaks down, even among citizens sincerely committed to it.

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