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any functioning and recognizably human society must have some authority, and that authority must be lodged in individuals, whether singly or in a group. Utopian theorists place the sources of legitimate political authority in various places. Some, such as Plato and More, or Charlotte Perkins Gilman in her classic feminist utopia Herland (1915), believe that the wise must rule. Aldous Huxley parodies this idea in Brave New World (1932), in which he makes his “World Controllers” suffering servants who are burdened with the knowledge of the dangerous truths that support their society. Bellamy makes individual political authority dependent on success in service to society expressed through labor. In Le Guin’s The Dispossessed (1974), authority in an anarchist society comes from public esteem and respect for an individual’s contributions to the common good.

      Utopian thought presents a dynamic understanding and analysis of community. As social and political animals we create places where collectively we can pursue our goals (whether defined by the individual, the family, the community or the state). Community must be a place of both conscious and unconscious attachment. Members of any real and healthy community will be able to critically reflect on its values and compare them with those of other communities. Perhaps this sets that bar very high – after all, utopian communities in reality or in thought are often isolated from the rest of the world by distance or ideology. But mindless acceptance of the values of any community suggests those values are dead and fossilized.

      Utopian thought is political. Utopian thought attempts to solve political, social and economic problems. Sometimes this can mean reaching toward an ideal state. Sometimes it can be tethered to current societal conditions and, “by showing how the social world may realize the features of a realistic Utopia, political philosophy provides a long-term goal of political endeavor, and in working toward it gives meaning to what we can do today” (Rawls 2001: 128). Utopian thought is not merely some sort of academic exercise. The great utopian thinkers were politically aware and active men and women. They often risked their lives, livelihoods and reputations to advance the dream of a better world.

      But utopian thought can also be anti-political. Some utopian thinking is “based on a desire for the death of politics and the end of history” (Firth 2012: 14). Many utopian theorists sought and perhaps still seek what Thomas Hobbes called a “Nunc stans” – a final end point that renders politics, and perhaps even change, unnecessary. Utopia might begin with politics, but utopia seems to seek the end of politics. From Plato to Marx to Bellamy and beyond, utopian thought understands politics as an impediment to attaining justice and equality. A fully realized utopia renders politics unnecessary. As Alan Ryan says, “Plato’s Republic and More’s Utopia paint elaborate pictures of life in utopia but share with Marx the presumption that in the absence of conflicts of material interest, administration will be necessary, but politics will not” (2012: 771, original emphasis). Any examination of utopian political thought must address the clear tension between politics and anti-politics.

      Whether political or anti-political, utopia must be plausible. Magical powers or the actions of benign aliens that lead to the creation of a perfected society belong to the realm of fantasy. Utopian plans may push the limits of the possible, but they must be real enough to be seen as plausible within their own context. Utopian thought and action are the products of actual human beings, not gods or superheroes.

      Kumar emphatically states that “the modern utopia – the modern western utopia invented in the Europe of the Renaissance – is the only utopia” (1987: 3). Sargent disagrees and claims that utopianism, defined as social dreaming, is a universal human phenomenon (1994: 19). Dreams of an earthly paradise, of places of plenty and of justice, appear across all cultures. A crucial difference between Western and non-Western visions of utopia, Sargent suggests, lies in the fact that non-Christian traditions lack the fundamental break represented by the Fall in the Garden of Eden and the idea that the Fall taints all humanity with original sin (2010: 68). In many ways, the debate over whether or not utopia and utopian political thought are products solely of the West turns on how one defines a set of terms. But what Sargent called “social dreaming,” the “desire for a better way of being in the world,” is universal (Dutton 2010: 250).

      In this book I focus on Western thought about utopia. I do so for several reasons, the quality and persuasiveness of which the reader is free to judge for herself. First, the main development of utopian political thought has been in those places commonly identified with “the West.” If students want to develop an understanding of the main tendencies of this tradition of inquiry and activism, they will need to examine its key exponents, from Plato to More to the present. Second, while utopian aspirations are universal, the systematic articulation of utopian political thought

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