LITMIR.BIZ

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transformations the group would undergo as the years progressed were even more important. The first major period of the group’s existence, roughly from 1970 until 1975, saw the development of STO’s initial ideas around the centrality of working-class experience (Chapter Two) and the opposition to white supremacy (Chapter Three), as well as the group’s initial efforts to develop an organization that could sustain the fight for revolution in changing circumstances. It is to the practical and theoretical implications of these concepts, workers and whiteness in the context of revolutionary strategy, that we turn next.

7 For more on the shift from civil rights to black power modes of the black freedom movement, see Peniel E. Joseph, Waiting ’Til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2006).

8 For more on COINTELPRO operations against the black movement, the white left, and the far right, see David Cunningham, There’s Something Happening Here: The New Left, the Klan, and FBI Counterintelligence (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2004).

9 The influence of the Panthers, and black radicalism generally, on the white left of the late sixties is detailed in David Barber, A Hard Rain Fell: SDS and Why It Failed (Jackson, MS: University Press of Mississippi, 2008).

10 On the Panther 21, see Murray Kempton, The Briar Patch: The Trial of the Panther 21 (Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press, 1997 [1973]).

11 The best work on Hampton’s killing is Jeffrey Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton: How the FBI and the Chicago Police Murdered a Black Panther (Chicago: Lawrence Hill Books/Chicago Review Press, 2010).

12 The split in the Party is detailed by Peniel Joseph, Midnight Hour, 261–269.

13 The classic assessment of the League is Dan Georgakas and Marvin Surkin, Detroit: I Do Mind Dying: A Study in Urban Revolution (Updated Edition) (Cambridge, MA: South End Press, 1998 [1975]).

14 See Chapter Two for more on the LRBW’s influence on STO.

15 Georgakas and Surkin describe the rise of DRUM and its connection to the emergence of the LRBW. Detroit: I Do Mind Dying, 20–41.

16 Carl Davidson, “Toward Institutional Resistance,” New Left Notes, November 13, 1967, quoted in David Barber, “‘A Fucking White Revolutionary Mass Movement’ and Other Fables of Whiteness,” Race Traitor no. 12, Spring 2001, 35. Davidson subsequently participated in the New Communist Movement throughout the seventies, including several years spent in the Harpers Ferry Organization, a small New York City group aligned with STO.

17 Carole Travis, interview with author, June 6, 2006.

18 This process is outlined in Kim Moody, An Injury to All: The Decline of American Unionism (New York: Verso, 1988), 45–51.

19 Karen Ashley, Bill Ayers, et. al., “You Don’t Need a Weatherman to Know Which Way the Wind Blows” (June 18, 1969), in Harold Jacobs, ed., Weatherman (Berkeley, CA: Ramparts Press, 1970), 66. “Fight the people” is discussed in favorable terms in Bill Ayers, “A Strategy to Win” (September 11, 1969) in Jacobs, 192.

20 For more on labor unrest in the late sixties and early seventies, see Aaron Brenner, Robert Brenner, and Cal Wislow, eds., Rebel Rank and File: Labor Militancy and Revolt from Below During the Long 1970s (New York: Verso, 2010).

21 These events are described in greater detail in Chapter Two.

22 According to economists Peter Jackson and Edward Montgomery, the unemployment rate for black men between the ages of eighteen and nineteen was 19 percent, more than double the 7.9 percent for white men of the same ages. Peter Jackson and Edward Montgomery, “Layoffs, Discharges and Youth Unemployment,” in Richard B. Freeman and Harry J. Holzer, eds., The Black Youth Employment Crisis (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 116.

23 This particular phrasing comes from the “General Rules” of the International Workingmen’s Association, adopted in October 1964. Available online at http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/iwma/documents/1864/rules.htm (accessed January 7, 2012).

24 The classic work on GI resistance in Vietnam remains David Cortright, Soldiers in Revolt: GI Resistance During the Vietnam War (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2005 [1975]). For a thorough, if pro-military, look at fragging, see George Lepre, Fragging: Why US Soldiers Assaulted Their Officers in Vietnam (Lubbock, TX: Texas Tech University Press, 2011).

25 James Tracy, Direct Action: Radical Pacifism from the Union Eight to the Chicago Seven (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996) describes this historical development through the end of 1969.

26 Quoted in Mike Marqusee, Redemption Song: Muhammad Ali and the Spirit of the Sixties (New York: Verso, 1999), 214–215.

27 George Schmidt, interview with the author, March 26, 2006.

28 Dan Berger, Outlaws of America: The Weather Underground and the Politics of Solidarity (Oakland, CA: AK Press, 2006) 99–104, describes Weather’s support for the NLF; the cover of the book features a photo of Weatherman women marching with NLF flags in 1969.

29 George Schmidt, interview with the author, March 26, 2006.

30 James Boyd, “Nixon’s Southern Strategy: ‘It’s All in the Charts’,” New York Times, May 17, 1970.

31 These distinctions are artificial and a bit arbitrary, but are largely consistent with the taxonomy offered by the philosopher Alison Jaggar in her pioneering work Feminist Politics and Human Nature (Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1988 [1983]). My usage of “feminist radicals” tracks generally with Jaggar’s category of “socialist feminists.” Ellen Willis, in a fascinating memoir-style reflection on the twists and turns of sixties and seventies feminism, uses the title “Radical Feminism and Feminist Radicalism.” While she fails to define the latter term, her analysis is similar to mine. Ellen Willis, “Radical Feminism and Feminist Radicalism,” Social Text no. 9/10 (1984), 91–118.

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