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legs as he lay asleep under a tree.278 The awe and dread with which the untutored savage contemplates his mother-in-law are amongst the most familiar facts of anthropology. In the Yuin tribes of New South Wales the rule which forbade a man to hold any communication with his wife's mother was very strict. He might not look at her or even in her direction. It was a ground of divorce if his shadow happened to fall on his mother-in-law: in that case he had to leave his wife, and she returned to her parents.279 In the Hunter River tribes of New South Wales it was formerly death for a man to speak to his mother-in-law; however, in later times the wretch who had committed this heinous crime was suffered to live, but he was severely reprimanded and banished for a time from the camp.280 In the Kulin tribe it was thought that if a woman looked at or spoke to her son-in-law or even his brother, her hair would turn white. The same result, it was supposed, would follow if she ate of game which had been presented to her husband by her son-in-law; but she could obviate this ill consequence by blackening her face, and especially her mouth, with charcoal, for then her hair would not turn white.281 Similarly in the Kurnai tribe of Victoria a woman is not permitted to see her daughter's husband in camp or elsewhere. When he is present, she keeps her head covered with an opossum rug. The camp of the mother-in-law faces in a different direction to that of her son-in-law. A screen of high bushes is erected between both huts, so that no one can see over from either. When the mother-in-law goes for firewood, she crouches down as she goes out or in, with her head covered.282 In Uganda a man may not see his mother-in-law nor speak to her face to face. Should they meet by accident, she must turn aside and cover her head with her clothes; or if her garments are too scanty for that, she may squat on her haunches and hide her face in her hands. If he wishes to hold any communication with her, it must be done through a third person, or through a wall or closed door. Were he to break these rules, he would certainly be seized with a shaking of the hands and general debility.283 Among some tribes of eastern Africa which formerly acknowledged the suzerainty of the sultan of Zanzibar, before a young couple had children they might meet neither their father-in-law nor their mother-in-law. To avoid them they must take a long roundabout. But if they could not do that, they must throw themselves on the ground and hide their faces till the father-in-law or mother-in-law had passed by.284 Among the Basutos a man may never meet his wife's mother, nor speak to her, nor see her. If his wife is ill and her mother comes to nurse her, he must flee the house so long as she is in it; sentinels are posted to warn him of her departure.285 In New Britain the native imagination fails to conceive the extent and nature of the calamities which would result from a man's accidentally speaking to his wife's mother; suicide of one or both would probably be the only course open to them. The most solemn form of oath a New Briton can take is, “Sir, if I am not telling the truth, I hope I may shake hands with my mother-in-law.”286 At Vanua Lava in the Banks Islands, a man would not so much as follow his mother-in-law along the beach until the rising tide had washed out her footprints in the sand.287 To avoid meeting his mother-in-law face to face a very desperate Apache Indian, one of the bravest of the brave, has been seen to clamber along the brink of a precipice at the risk of his life, hanging on to rocks from which had he fallen he would have been dashed to pieces or at least have broken several of his limbs.288 Still more curious and difficult to explain is the rule which forbids certain African kings, after the coronation ceremonies have been completed, ever to see their own mothers again. This restriction was imposed on the kings of Benin and Uganda. Yet the queen-mothers lived in regal state with a court and lands of their own. In Uganda it was thought that if the king were to see his mother again, some evil and probably death would surely befall him.289

      A man's health and strength supposed to vary with the length of his shadow. Fear of the loss of the shadow. Fear of the resemblance of a child to its parents.

      Where the shadow is regarded as so intimately bound up with the life of the man that its loss entails debility or death, it is natural to expect that its diminution should be regarded with solicitude and apprehension, as betokening a corresponding decrease in the vital energy of its owner. An elegant Greek rhetorician has compared the man who lives only for fame to one who should set all his heart on his shadow, puffed up and boastful when it lengthened, sad and dejected when it shortened, wasting and pining away when it dwindled to nothing. The spirits of such an one, he goes on, would necessarily be volatile, since they must rise or fall with every passing hour of the day. In the morning, when the level sun, just risen above the eastern horizon, stretched out his shadow to enormous length, rivalling the shadows cast by the cypresses and the towers on the city wall, how blithe and exultant would he be, fancying that in stature he had become a match for the fabled giants of old; with what a lofty port he would then strut and shew himself in the streets and the market-place and wherever men congregated, that he might be seen and admired of all. But as the day wore on, his countenance would change and he would slink back crestfallen to his house. At noon, when his once towering shadow had shrunk to his feet, he would shut himself up and refuse to stir abroad, ashamed to look his fellow-townsmen in the face; but in the afternoon his drooping spirits would revive, and as the day declined his joy and pride would swell again with the length of the evening shadows.290 The rhetorician who thus sought to expose the vanity of fame as an object of human ambition by likening it to an ever-changing shadow, little dreamed that in real life there were men who set almost as much store by their shadows as the fool whom he had conjured up in his imagination to point a moral. So hard is it for the straining wings of fancy to outstrip the folly of mankind. In Amboyna and Uliase, two islands near the equator, where necessarily there is little or no shadow cast at noon, the people make it a rule not to go out of the house at mid-day, because they fancy that by doing so a man may lose the shadow of his soul.291 The Mangaians tell of a mighty warrior, Tukaitawa, whose strength waxed and waned with the length of his shadow. In the morning, when his shadow fell longest, his strength was greatest; but as the shadow shortened towards noon his strength ebbed with it, till exactly at noon it reached its lowest point; then, as the shadow stretched out in the afternoon, his strength returned. A certain hero discovered the secret of Tukaitawa's strength and slew him at noon.292 The savage Besisis of the Malay Peninsula fear to bury their dead at noon, because they fancy that the shortness of their shadows at that hour would sympathetically shorten their own lives.293 The Baganda of central Africa used to judge of a man's health by the length of his shadow. They said, “So-and-so is going to die, his shadow is very small”; or, “He is in good health, his shadow is large.”294 Similarly the Caffres of South Africa think that a man's shadow grows very small or vanishes at death. When her husband is away at the wars, a woman hangs up his sleeping-mat; if the shadow grows less, she says her husband is killed; if it remains unchanged, she says he is unscathed.295 It is possible that even in lands outside the tropics the observation of the diminished shadow at noon may have contributed, even if it did not give rise, to the superstitious dread with which that hour has been viewed by many peoples, as by the Greeks, ancient and modern, the Bretons, the Russians, the Roumanians of Transylvania, and the Indians of Santiago Tepehuacan.296 In this observation, too, we may perhaps detect the reason why noon was chosen by the Greeks as the hour for sacrificing to the shadowless dead.297 The loss of the shadow, real or apparent, has often been regarded as a cause or precursor of death. Whoever entered the sanctuary of Zeus on Mount Lycaeus in Arcadia was believed to lose his shadow and to die within the year.298 In Lower Austria on the evening of St. Sylvester's day – the last day of the

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<p>278</p>

Miss Mary E. B. Howitt, Folk-lore and Legends of some Victorian Tribes (in manuscript).

<p>279</p>

A. W. Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, p. 266.

<p>280</p>

A. W. Howitt, op. cit. p. 267.

<p>281</p>

A. W. Howitt, op. cit. pp. 256 sq.

<p>282</p>

A. W. Howitt, op. cit. pp. 280 sq. Compare J. Dawson, Australian Aborigines, pp. 32 sq.

<p>283</p>

Partly from notes sent me by my friend the Rev. J. Roscoe, partly from Sir H. Johnston's account (The Uganda Protectorate, ii. 688). In his printed notes (Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 39) Mr. Roscoe says that the mother-in-law “may be in another room out of sight and speak to him through the wall or open door.”

<p>284</p>

Father Picarda, “Autour du Mandera, Notes sur l'Ouzigoua, l'Oukwéré et l'Oudoé (Zanguebar),” Missions Catholiques, xviii. (1886) p. 286.

<p>285</p>

Father Porte, “Les Réminiscences d'un missionnaire du Basutoland,” Missions Catholiques, xxviii. (1896) p. 318.

<p>286</p>

H. H. Romily and Rev. George Brown, in Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, N.S. ix. (1887) pp. 9, 17.

<p>287</p>

R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians, p. 43.

<p>288</p>

J. G. Bourke, On the Border with Crook, p. 132. More evidence of the mutual avoidance of mother-in-law and son-in-law among savages is collected in my Totemism and Exogamy; see the Index, s. v. “Mother-in-law.” The custom is probably based on a fear of incest between them. To the almost universal rule of savage life that a man must avoid his mother-in-law there is a most remarkable exception among the Wahehe of German East Africa. In that tribe a bridegroom must sleep with his mother-in-law before he may cohabit with her daughter. See Rev. H. Cole, “Notes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 312.

<p>289</p>

O. Dapper, Description de l'Afrique, p. 312; H. Ling Roth, Great Benin, p. 119; Missions Catholiques, xv. (1883) p. 110; J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 67.

<p>290</p>

Dio Chrysostom, Or. lxvii. vol. ii. p. 230, ed. L. Dindorf.

<p>291</p>

J. G. F. Riedel, De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua, p. 61.

<p>292</p>

W. W. Gill, Myths and Songs of the South Pacific, pp. 284 sqq.

<p>293</p>

W. W. Skeat and C. O. Blagden. Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula (London, 1906), ii. 110.

<p>294</p>

The Rev. J. Roscoe, in a letter to me dated Mengo, Uganda, May 26, 1904.

<p>295</p>

T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, Voyage d'exploration (Paris, 1842), p. 291; Dudley Kidd, The Essential Kafir, pp. 83, 303; id., Savage Childhood, p. 69. In the last passage Mr. Kidd tells us that “the mat was not held up in the sun, but was placed in the hut at the marked-off portion where the itongo or ancestral spirit was supposed to live; and the fate of the man was divined, not by the length of the shadow, but by its strength.”

<p>296</p>

Theocritus, i. 15 sqq.; Philostratus, Heroic. i. 3; Porphyry, De antro nympharum, 26; Lucan, iii. 423 sqq.; Drexler, s. v. “Meridianus daemon,” in Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 2832 sqq.; Bernard Schmidt, Das Volksleben der Neugriechen, pp. 94 sqq., 119 sq.; Georgeakis et Pineau, Folk-lore de Lesbos, p. 342; A. de Nore, Coutumes, mythes, et traditions des provinces de France, pp. 214 sq.; J. Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie,4 ii. 972; C. L. Rochholz, Deutscher Glaube und Brauch, i. 62 sqq.; E. Gerard, The Land beyond the Forest, i. 331; “Lettre du curé de Santiago Tepehuacan,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), IIme Série, ii. (1834) p. 180; N. von Stenin, “Die Permier,” Globus, lxxi. (1897) p. 374; D. Louwerier, “Bijgeloovige gebruiken, die door die Javanen worden in acht genomen,” Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap, xlix. (1905) p. 257.

<p>297</p>

Schol. on Aristophanes, Frogs, 293.

<p>298</p>

Pausanias, viii. 38. 6; Polybius, xvi. 12. 7; Plutarch, Quaestiones Graecae, 39.