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3). We recognize the limits of our perspective but its validity as well. We do not claim any special relevance because of our backgrounds, and, despite our best efforts, we know that we are likely to have exhibited our own implicit biases and limited understanding along the way. But we believe an awareness of that likelihood should not stop any of us from speaking our truths, sharing our insights, and telling our stories. If we were to allow this to restrain us from speaking in our authentic voices, we would be succumbing to the neutrality trap ourselves. We hope readers will be open to what we have to say and also keep in mind the limits of our perspectives.

      We have organized this book into three broad sections:

       In Part I, “Engaging Conflict,” we discuss the dynamic tension between engaging in conflict and disrupting systems (Chapter 1), what we mean by the neutrality trap and how to avoid it (Chapter 2), the critical role of race, gender, and intersectionality in social change (Chapter 3), and the potential and pitfalls of constructive engagement as an approach to social conflict (Chapter 4).

       In Part II, “Deepening Conflict,” we look at the nature of long‐term conflicts for which resolution is not a productive or reasonable goal (Chapter 5) and how to get beyond explanations of conflict and oppression focused on individual characteristics and behavior and delve more deeply into their systemic nature (Chapter 6).

       In Part III, “Strategic Disruption,” we focus on the relationship between systemic and chaotic disruption and the role of nonviolent approaches to change (Chapter 7), and the role of alliances, teams, and leadership in social change (Chapter 8). We end with a forward look at disrupting and connecting for social change (Chapter 9).

      We have used stories from long ago as well as recent examples, including events that took place while writing this book (e.g. the January 6, 2021, invasion of the US Capitol). We expect between today and its publication, new events will have occurred that will shed new light on our analysis and the stories we have shared. We want this book to be part of a dynamic, ongoing discussion and hope that we can all join in such a dialogue, one which we believe is critical to social change efforts.

      —Bernie Mayer

      Kingsville, Ontario

      —Jackie N. Font‐Guzmán

      Harrisonburg, Virginia

      October 30, 2021

part one engaging conflict

      “Freedom is not a state; it is an act. It is not some enchanted garden perched high on a distant plateau where we can finally sit down and rest. Freedom is the continuous action we all must take, and each generation must do its part to create an even more fair, more just society.”

      —John Lewis, Across That Bridge: A Vision for Change and the Future of America

      At a time when our country and our world seem constantly on the precipice of chaos and disaster, we can easily lose faith that the future has anything to offer other than more and worse of the same. Fires rage, hurricanes destroy, pandemics kill, and we seem incapable of doing anything about them. Our political systems seem much better at redistributing wealth upward, maintaining the power of elites, and suppressing dissent than confronting our most serious challenges. Democracy seems in retreat and authoritarianism on the rise across the globe.

      Sometimes change is painfully slow, and sometimes advances are undone. Then, suddenly, amazing and important moral progress occurs. What were once unusual and unpopular attitudes about same‐sex marriage, gender fluidity, and sexuality rapidly become far more widely accepted. A totalitarian system that has held millions of people under its thumb suddenly disintegrates. While racism continues to affect every corner of our societies, racist ideology is broadly rejected by growing numbers of people.

      But none of these changes occur magically or without significant pain, and all are vulnerable to the immense capacity of systems of power and privilege to defend themselves and claw back progress toward fundamental change. For broadly based and deeply rooted progressive change to occur and for power structures that maintain an oppressive social order to be upended, those systems must be disrupted—something must occur that forces them to change how they operate. The disruption may be unplanned and external (e.g. climate or demographic changes) or intentional and directed (e.g. social movements or political campaigns). The seeds of change are embedded in all organic systems, and that includes oppressive systems that seek to maintain a destructive status quo. How they change, however, is not only not foreordained but largely unpredictable. Yet change will happen, and we will necessarily be part of it.

      One place to start is by recognizing how often, despite our best intentions, especially when we occupy positions of privilege, we are part of the problem. Much of what we do, including much of the good work we undertake, contributes to the maintenance of systems that we want to change. This is inevitable because we are part of these systems. Our natural desire to believe that we are good people doing good things can lead us to downplay our role in maintaining the structures of oppression and hierarchy.

      This paradox—that the good work we do often reinforces destructive systems—can be found in what conflict interveners do to guide disputes toward resolution, but the same is true for all “service professions,” including medicine, counseling, law, human services, and education.

      For example:

       When we participate in collaborative efforts to deal with organizational conflict, we may be enabling the continuance of an exploitative hierarchy.

       When we foster dialogue between community members and police officers to try to improve relationships and communication, we may be reinforcing a public safety model that emphasizes law enforcement over community development and mental health.

       When we convene conversations among different ethnic groups to try to resolve tensions that have led to violent interchanges, we may undercut a growing movement to promote the rights of a historically exploited group.

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