Скачать книгу

on Peruvian Reality (trans. M. Urquidi). Austin: University of Texas Press.

      14 Mariátegui, J.C. (1994). Mariátegui total. 2 volumes. Lima: Empresa Editora Amauta.

      15 Mariátegui, J.C. (1996). The Heroic and Creative Meaning of Socialism: Selected Essays (ed. and trans. Michael Pearlman). Amherst, NY: Humanity Books.

      16 Mariátegui, J.C. (2011). José Carlos Mariátegui: An Anthology (ed. and trans. H. E. Vanden and M. Becker). New York: Monthly Review Press.

      17 Mariátegui, J.C. and Sánchez, L.A. (1976). La polémica del indigenismo. Lima: Mosca Azul Editores.

      18 Marzal, M.M. (1993). Historia de la antropología indigenista: México y Perú. Barcelona: Anthropos.

      19 Nietzsche, F. (1986 [1880]). Human, All Too Human (trans. R.J. Hollingdale). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

      20 Nugent, J.G. (1991). El conflicto de las sensibilidades. Propuesta para una interpretación y crítica del siglo veinte peruano. Lima: Instituto Bartolomé de las Casas‐Rímac.

      21 Rochabrún, G. (2007). Batallas por la teoría. En torno a Marx y el Perú. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos.

      22 Schutte, O. (1988). Nietzsche, Mariátegui, and socialism: A case of “Nietzschean Marxism” in Peru? Social Theory and Practice 14 (1): 71–85.

      23 Sorel, G. (1999 [1908]). Reflections on Violence (ed. J. Jennings). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

      24 Spengler, O. (1932 [1918, 1922]). The Decline of the West (trans. C. F. Atkinson). 2 volumes. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

      25 Trotsky, L., Breton, A., and Rivera, D. (1992). Manifesto: Towards a free revolutionary art. In: Art and Revolution: Writings on Literature, Politics, and Culture (ed. P.N. Siegel), 122–129. New York: Pathfinder.

      Ingrid W. Elliott

      *

      * *

Photo depicts Víctor Manuel, Vida interior (Interior Life), 1933. Revista Social 18 (5) May.

      The Cuban vanguard has long been considered a joint cultural and political project for national reform, though the relationship of vanguard artistic practices to their political agenda has yet to be fully articulated. Scholars have argued that “modern” art was adopted because it was seen as an opportunity to break with the academic training initiated under colonial rule (Wood 1990) and that this rupture was grounded in artistic experimentation and freedom of expression (Juan 1978). Unsatisfied with their studies at Havana's San Alejandro Academy of Fine Arts, many vanguard painters left to seek modernist training in Paris in the late 1920s. The first to return and exhibit modern approaches to painting were Víctor Manuel and Antonio Gattorno (1904–1980). Each enjoyed solo exhibitions in February and March 1927, respectively, in which they exhibited work that departed from academic realism by embracing the simplification of color and form typical of European modernism. In May they were joined by Eduardo Abela (1889–1965), Rafael Blanco (1885–1955), Carlos Enríquez (1900–1957), Marcelo Pogolotti (1902–1988), and Lorenzo Romero Arciaga (b. 1905) for an “Exhibition of New Art” that inaugurated the vanguard group. The exhibition was sponsored by a new vanguard periodical, the Revista de Avance (1927–1930).

      Vanguard intellectuals found a crucial partner in one of these marginalized groups via a women's organization known as the Lyceum. The Lyceum was a women's club founded in 1928 to promote women's interests and national culture through exhibitions, concerts, poetry readings, and lectures; in 1939 they added sport when they merged with a women's tennis association and became known as the Lyceum and Lawn Tennis Club (Stoner 1991). When the Lyceum inaugurated their clubhouse in 1929 they signaled their allegiance to vanguard activities by hosting the Exhibition of New Art, echoing the title and emulating the content of the vanguard's inaugural exhibition in 1927 and featuring a lecture by Avance editor Juan Marinello, a Marxist and member of the Cuban Communist Party. When political repression forced the closure of the periodical in 1930, the Lyceum became the only venue for vanguard art and debate during the most difficult years of the Gerardo Machado dictatorship (1928–1933). The ties between the Avance group and the Lyceum were so tight that in 1936 one of the Lyceistas (as they were known) referred to the group as the “husbands of the Lyceum,” and commentators from both groups remarked that without the Lyceum's support, the vanguard would have had little opportunity for cultural work through the 1930s (Arocena 1949b, pp. 36–37). Despite these ties, the Lyceum's relationship to the vanguard

Скачать книгу