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discourse about social welfare and benefits: “where all things be common to every man, it is not to be doubted that any man shall lack any thing necessary for his private uses, so that the common store, houses and barns, be sufficiently stored” (Utopia 119). Moreover, his plea to introduce proto-communism in the rudimentary form of “equal and just distribution of things” can rightfully be seen as revolutionary for his times (cf. Grace 186f.; also Bruce xxi), challenging Christian doctrines and monarchy itself, and still attracts considerable attention within contemporary debates about the introduction of a universal basic income.

      Yet, despite their origin as eutopias, both texts, Plato’s Politeia and More’s Utopia introduce a rather restrictive system of governance, annihilating individual preferences and imposing restrictions on nearly every aspect of human life, such as working and leisure time, marriage and even eugenics in order to secure a peaceful and functioning co-existence of all citizens (cf. Utopia 89f.). Plato, for instance, writes that “the best of either sex should be united with the best as often, and the inferior with the inferior, as seldom as possible” (quoted in Petzold 333). Passages like these of course scare off 21st-century readers because they read like an instruction of livestock breeding and are hard to stomach for an audience familiar with the atrocities committed in the 20th century. The reason these texts are still being read is only because of the “historical-space-time of [the] text’s inception” (Suvin, “Theses” 189, emphasis in the original), granting them a certain benefit of doubt: although they have (partially) aged badly, they are still recognisably intended as explorations of radically more perfect communities and have inspired generations of writers to follow their example.5

      Nowadays, More’s Utopia is recognised as the starting point of the development of various imaginary state descriptions, which have approached the phenomenology of the perfect city/state/community in their own respective ways, tainted by socio-cultural developments of their time of origin (cf. Weber 5; also Murphy, “Eutopia” 478). Customarily thought to be the most immediate reaction towards More’s work is Francis Bacon’s New Atlantis (1627) (cf. Pfister and Lindner 15). Regarded as a worthwhile addition to the canon, the unfinished text by the founding father of empirical science is characterised by a scientific approach to social and political problems and the imagination of “new sciences and technologies yet to become reality” (Mohr, “Eco-Dystopia” 283). It has been called “one of the most optimistic imaginative projections of the beneficial impacts that science and technology might have on human society” (Booker, Impulse 5) because of its undivided focus on ethics and technology changing life for the better (cf. Murphy, “Eutopia” 479). “Bacon projects a highly specialized, unequal but affluent and efficient social order” (R. Williams 99; cf. Erzgräber, Utopie 14) into his eutopia set on an isolated island reminiscent of Arcadia. His city is governed by a benign king, Solamona, who “was wholly bent to make his kingdom and people happy” (New Atlantis 165). Favouring the arts and sciences, the king founded the island’s first university:

      Ye shall understand (my dear friends) that amongst the excellent acts of that king, one above all hath the pre-eminence. It was the erection and institution of an Order or Society which we call ‘Salomon’s House’; the noblest foundation (as we think) that ever was upon the earth; and the lanthorn of this kingdom. It is dedicated to the study of the Works and Creatures of God. (ibid. 167)

      Envisioning the structure and ideals of a modern university, Bacon celebrates the future as a world based on rationale and scientific discovery, devoted to the improvement of life. His fragment closes with a list of benefits science can provide, promising the production of “[a]rtificial minerals and cements” and “new foods,” but also “[t]ransplanting of one species into another,” and even the “prolongation of life” itself (ibid. 185f.). Again, passages like these show how close eutopia can be to dystopia – in this example, to nightmarish genetic experiments that exhibit an almost Frankensteinian dimension.

      Yet this uncritical belief in the positive results of the application of scientific logic starts to crumble when the “maelstrom of the nineteenth century would dramatically transform speculative fiction” (Hammond, Cold War 4). The end of the 19th century witnesses the ideological and literary deconstruction of eutopia as a concept (cf. Murphy, “Eutopia” 479).6 What is usually referred to as ‘dystopian turn’ denominates the slow process of ‘replacing’ eutopian with dystopian writing, that is a switch in popularity. While influential eutopias were, of course, still being written during that time – Edward Bellamy’s futuristic time travel tale Looking Backward: 2000–1887 (1888) must be mentioned here – it is the 19th century that witnesses the rise of what Tom Moylan calls “literary utopia’s shadow”: dystopia “emerged as a literary form in its own right in the early 1900s“ (Scraps xi). In Erewhon (1872) for instance, – an anagram of “nowhere” and intertextual reference to More’s Utopia – Samuel Butler warns that “not all [e]utopias can be trusted” (Houston). His novel criticises the use of technology and banishes machines “altogether because of their tendency to tyrannize the men who made them” (Booker, Impulse 6). Oscillating between an eutopian and dystopian mode, the anonymously published novel criticises Victorian society, the Church, and Darwinian theories of evolution (cf. Hug 55). Yet, the rise of dystopia is connected to two other names: H.G. Wells and his belief in social improvement and the satires thereof by E.M. Forster (cf. Seeber, “Handeln” 190). In fact, Forster’s short story “The Machine Stops” (1909) depicts the fate of a degenerate human race living underground in isolation, entirely dependent on an omnipotent, God-like machine that runs the entire planet (cf. N. Wilkinson and Voigts 90):

      By [Vasthi’s] side, on the little reading-desk, was a survival from the ages of litter – one book. This was the Book of the Machine. In it were instructions against every possible contingency. […] Sitting up in the bed, she took it reverently in her hands […] Then, half ashamed, half joyful, she murmured ‘O Machine! O Machine!’ and raise the volume to her lips. (“Machine” 8f.)

      Criticising the “homogenisation of culture and elimination of personal freedom in totalitarian systems” (N. Wilkinson and Voigts 91), Forster’s text predicts a degenerative state humans find themselves in once they have transferred their agency to machines, thereby introducing topics that are to define the dystopian genre in the coming decades. In fact, Forster’s legacy has been stressed by various scholars. Acknowledging his pioneer work, Tom Moylan asserts that “Forster wrote against the grain of an emergent modernity” (Scraps 111; cf. also Zeißler 33) and based on Forster’s critical evaluation of humanity’s use of technology and detachedness of humans from nature, Graham J. Murphy claims that Forster’s short story “has the strongest claim to being dystopia’s originary text” (“Dystopia” 473). In short, with the dawn of the 20th century, it is the genre of eutopia that continues to lose “popularity and political efficacy” (Murphy, “Eutopia” 481) to its darker twin.

      While Forster remains a pioneer of the genre, dystopia’s success story is associated with the names of three other writers: George Orwell, Aldous Huxley, and Yevgeny Zamyatin, whose respective texts have been identified as the ‘high priests’ of dystopian fiction.7 To this day, these titles are “still inseparably connected to the term dystopia” (Boller 3). Moreover, Tom Moylan argues that

      as the socialist state or the consumer society claimed to have achieved [e]utopia, the more radical critique that the genre is capable of escaped into the mountains of negativity and re-emerged as the dystopia, the narrative that images a society worse than the existing one. In the great narrative works of Zamyatin (We), Huxley (Brave New World), Orwell (1984) [sic!], and others, [e]utopian figures of hope were transmuted into an attack on present social systems which claim to be already existing [e]utopias. (Impossible 8f.)

      Once dystopia had been established as a literary form, it “took its place in the narrative catalogue of the West and developed in several forms throughout the rest of the century” (Baccolini and Moylan, “Introduction” 1). Authors and directors from all over the globe such as Kurt Vonnegut, Ray Bradbury, Ursula K. Le Guin, Joanna Russ, William Gibson, Ridley Scott, Margaret Atwood, Marge Piercy, Don De Lillo, Anthony Burgess, Philip K. Dick, Octavia

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