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to worship). Besides these cultic details, Herodotus offers his only local MYTH—how Athena and POSEIDON vied for the status of civic god by presenting competing gifts to the Athenians—and adds his only report of a miracle wrought by the goddess within living memory, the rebirth of her sacred olive. Most striking is the unparalleled story of how this goddess was impersonated, thanks to the tyrant PEISISTRATUS, who paraded a disguised peasant girl (PHYE) on a cart in order to win backing for his return to power (1.60).

      Besides identifying Athena by place of worship, Herodotus sometimes identifies her by name, by attributes, and by myths, and in doing so can mix cultures. At Sais in EGYPT, Athena is said to be Neith, and the interchangeable names are justified by the shared emblem of the owl, found on coins of the Saitic nome. Herodotus describes a feast of Athena, or Neith, that is part of ISIS’ mourning for OSIRIS. Yet Neith, unlike either Athena or Osiris, is mother of the sun, with myths to match (2.59, 62). A similar, but less complicated case is Athena Ilias. Persian MAGI make Greek sacrifices (thusiai) to her, while pouring LIBATIONS to Greek HEROES. Here the goddess is Greek save for the cult, which is culturally mixed because of the personnel. The heroic sacrifices are either gestures of good will towards the Persians’ Greek subjects, or Herodotus has misunderstood them (7.43.2).

Athena Alea, where FETTERS put on Spartan captives were hung up as a memorial of a Tegean victory, illustrates how objects in shrines have stories attached to them, for Herodotus evidently heard this story when he visited the shrine (1.66.4).

      SEE ALSO: Acropolis; Gods and the Divine; Priests and Priestesses; Sacrifice; Tegea; Temples and Sanctuaries

      FURTHER READING

      1 Demargne, Pierre. 1984. “Athena.” In LIMC II. 1, 955–1044.

      2 Hurwit, Jeffrey M. 1999. The Athenian Acropolis: History, Mythology, and Archaeology from the Neolithic Period to the Present. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

      3 Papachatzis, Nikolas. 1974. Pausaniou Ellados periēgēsis. Vol. 1. Athens: Ekdotikē Athēnōn.

ATHENADES (Ἀθηνάδης, ὁ)

      CHRISTOPHER BARON

       University of Notre Dame

      Herodotus credits Athenades, from TRACHIS, with the killing of EPHIALTES, who had betrayed the Greeks at THERMOPYLAE in 480 BCE and had a bounty placed on him by the AMPHICTYONES (7.213.2–3). Herodotus writes that Athenades acted for a different reason but was honored nonetheless by the Spartans. Although Herodotus states that he will explain what happened elsewhere, we do not find such a passage in the Histories, one of the few unfulfilled CROSS‐REFERENCES in the work.

      SEE ALSO: Motivation; Murder; Narratology

ATHENAGORAS (Ἀθηναγόρης, ὁ)

      CHRISTOPHER BARON

       University of Notre Dame

      Samian, son of ARCHESTRATIDES. Athenagoras and two others (Hegesistratus and Lampon) were chosen by the Samians to approach the Greek fleet at DELOS in the summer of 479 BCE and ask them to sail east and liberate the Ionian coast and ISLANDS from Persian rule (9.90.1). Given that the envoys were sent without the knowledge of the Persians or the Samian tyrant THEOMESTOR, it seems likely that Athenagoras and the others were leading men among the ARISTOCRACY at SAMOS.

      SEE ALSO: Hegesistratus son of Aristagoras; Lampon son of Thrascyles; Messengers; Mycale

      FURTHER READING

      1 Mitchell, B. M. 1975. “Herodotus and Samos.” JHS 95: 75–91.

      2 Shipley, Graham. 1987. A History of Samos, 800–188 B.C., 108–9. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

ATHENIAN EMPIRE

      GRÉGORY BONNIN

       Université Bordeaux–Montaigne

      The Athenian Empire was an evolving power structure which dominated the Greek states of the AEGEAN basin during a major part of the fifth century BCE. The alliance of Greek city‐states which arose out of the victory over PERSIA in 480–479—known to scholars as the DELIAN LEAGUE—came to be led by ATHENS in 478/7 after SPARTA’s withdrawal, and evolved into a real empire (Meiggs 1972; Mattingly 1996; French scholars, however, are still reticent to assume its title of “empire”: Pébarthe 2008; Bonnin 2015, 32–36).

      Even if Herodotus wrote his work while in Athens during the very acme of the Athenian Empire, he does not say much about it, most certainly because the people of the period that he chose to talk about were not aware of the Athenian Empire, nor even of the Delian League. Nonetheless, the creation of the Delian League was a consequence of the Greco‐PERSIAN WARS, and those were the major topic of Herodotus’ work. Although we are bound to find less information about Athenian imperialism in Herodotus than in THUCYDIDES, given the chronological range each author explored, Herodotus’ stories reveal, in their background, the period of the Athenian Empire’s genesis.

At the end of the Greco‐Persian wars, Sparta, which had led the Hellenic alliance against the Persian invasion, decided to end its participation in operations against the Great King’s territories. When Sparta chose to withdraw its troops and its leader, the general and regent PAUSANIAS, most other Peloponnesian CITIES followed suit, hence creating a new opportunity for Athens. The Athenians had successfully fought two wars against Persia, and they had been the first Greeks to manage defeating the barbarians, at MARATHON in 490. Athenian propaganda frequently used this victory, as can be seen in Herodotus’ version of the run‐up to the Battle of PLATAEA (9.46–47). This aura, added to another one, more ancient, which considered the Athenian people the bravest amongst the IONIANS (also enforced by fifth‐century Athenian propaganda), made Athens a natural leader. Thus in 478/7, the Delian League was created by Ionians following their new hegemon, Athens.

      Many questions about the structure and boundaries of Athenian power remain difficult to answer, in part because of the multivalence of the term ARCHĒ in Book 1 of Thucydides. It should be noted that Herodotus did not call the Athenian power an archē, a word he does use in order to designate the power of the Great King and his territories. As Thucydides describes (1.97), the ALLIES in a traditional Greek symmachia led by Athens soon allowed the Athenian people to handle all military duties, most often preferring to pay a phoros (i.e., TRIBUTE) to Athens rather than to furnish troops and ships. DELOS was the federal center of the league, but the war treasury first kept there was later (by 454) transferred to Athens; the Athenian people offered an aparchē (“FIRST FRUITS,” one‐sixtieth of all payments) of these tributes to ATHENA, their city’s patron goddess, and stored this MONEY in the Parthenon on the ACROPOLIS. The lists of these aparchai are one of our main sources about the Athenian archē in the 450s and 440s and have been published as the Athenian Tribute Lists (Meritt et al., 1939–53).

      An exact beginning of the Athenian Empire, i.e., the evolution from a traditional symmachia (the so‐called Delian League) into a real empire, is difficult to determine. We can date it to the 440s/430s or slightly earlier (see Meiggs 1972 and Mattingly 1996, the latter especially on the decades‐long scholarly controversy over Athenian imperial CHRONOLOGY), but also as soon as the very first act of Athenian coercive power, the taking of NAXOS, at the end of the 470s (Bonnin 2015, 127–34). In either case, we shall admit that Athenian power grew over the course of fifty years (the Thucydidean pentekontaetia) and had consequences for many aspects of life in the Greek cities of the Aegean. It particularly fostered a progressive integration of dominated cities into a coherent structure, which scholars call “empire” (or, recently, “Greater Athenian State”: Morris 2009). Whatever the moment of each of these changes (whether before or after the outbreak of the PELOPONNESIAN WAR in 431), we can see a clear wish on the part of the Athenian people to soften the discrepancies between Athens’

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