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particular wonder, “as a woman going to war against Greece’”(7.99.1).

      Her main role in Herodotus is as a figure of intelligence and reason; like many other “warners” in Herodotus, she is not always listened to. PLUTARCH is caustic about how wise Herodotus makes Artemisia, saying sardonically that he might as well have called her a sibyl (Plut. Mor. 870a/DHM 38). Her wisdom is displayed on three occasions. When Xerxes asked all the commanders in turn whether they thought they should fight at Salamis, and all agreed they should, she alone opposed this, on the grounds that the Greeks were better sailors and that Xerxes would do better to wait for the Greeks to scatter to their own CITIES and exploit their differences. This bravery in speaking out to the king pleased her enemies, but worried her friends. We do not know why she had enemies, but some Persians may have had the same qualms about a female commander as the Greeks are said to have. Xerxes, however, was impressed and thought even more highly of her, but still followed the view of the majority (8.68–69).

      Artemisia’s wisdom was further displayed in the Battle of Salamis (8.87–88). She was at the front of the Persian ships, and being chased by the ship of the Athenian AMEINIAS; escape was impossible, because she was hemmed in by other Persian ships. She therefore attacked the ship of DAMASITHYMUS from Calynda, a Carian city, who was amongst the most notable commanders in Xerxes’ navy (7.98), which convinced Ameinias that her ship was either a Greek one or a deserter, and he went elsewhere. The Persians, recognizing Artemisia’s emblem, presumed Damasithymus’ ship was a Greek one. This prompted Xerxes’ famous remark, “my men have become women, my women men” (8.88.3).

      After the disaster at Salamis, MARDONIUS advised Xerxes to attack the PELOPONNESE or to give him 300,000 men and to return with the rest to PERSIA. Xerxes consulted on this, and then had a private meeting with Artemisia on the basis of her wise counsel about Salamis. Artemisia advised him to go back to Persia and give Mardonius the men, on the grounds that, if Mardonius was successful in defeating the Greeks, the glory would belong to Xerxes as king rather than to his servant; if Mardonius lost, it would be no problem, since the king and his house would be safe (an important concern of ACHAEMENID monarchs, as the BISITUN Inscription shows), and the Greeks could be dealt with later: Xerxes has after all achieved his aim of sacking ATHENS in revenge for their burning of SARDIS (8.101–3). Artemisia is then tasked with escorting some of Xerxes’ “bastard sons” (i.e., sons from his lesser wives) to EPHESUS (8.107). No more is heard of Artemisia in Herodotus. There is uncertainty as to whether her son Pisindelis ruled after her or whether it was another son (or her grandson) Lygdamis, under whom Herodotus was expelled before returning to help overthrow him (see ML 32 and commentary; Fornara 1983, no. 70).

Artemisia clearly made an impression on later times. The Spartans with the spoils of the war built a “Persian Colonnade” in their AGORA, with statues in white marble of Persians, including Artemisia and Mardonius, supporting the roof (Paus. 3.11.3; Vitr. De arch. 1.1.6). Polyaenus (Strat. 8.53.1–3, 5) has various stories about her that depend on Herodotus’ account, but also attributes to her the capture of Latmos by a stratagem, after failing to capture it by force. She conducted orgiastic rites to the Mother of the Gods (CYBELE) with warriors disguised as EUNUCHS and musicians at a shrine near the city; when the Latmians came out to admire her PIETY, her men captured the city with their instruments. Ptolemy Chennos, an author of the Roman imperial period, wrote that Artemisia gouged out the eyes of a lover, Dardanus of ABDERA, who had scorned her, and that she jumped off the famous “lovers’ leap,” the Leucadian Rock (Phot. Bibl. cod. 190/153a (Henry vol. III)).

      SEE ALSO: Advisers; Caria; Knowledge; Lygdamis father of Artemisia; Lygdamis son/grandson of Artemisia; Women in the Histories

      REFERENCE

      1 Fornara, Charles W., ed. 1983. Archaic Times to the End of the Peloponnesian War. 2nd edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

      FURTHER READING

      1 Cameron, Alan. 2004. Greek Mythography in the Roman World, 153–55. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

      2 Dewald, Carolyn. 1981. “Women and Culture in Herodotus’ Histories.” Women’s Studies 8.1/2: 93–127. Reprinted in ORCS Vol. 2, 151–79 (lightly revised).

      3 Lattimore, Richmond. 1939. “The Wise Adviser in Herodotus.” CPh 34.1: 24–35.

      4 Munson, Rosaria Vignolo. 1988. “Artemisia in Herodotus.” ClAnt 7.1: 91–106.

ARTEMISIUM (Ἀρτεμίσιον, τό)

      ANGUS BOWIE

       Queen’s College, Oxford

      A bay on the most northerly point of the island of EUBOEA (BA 55 E2) with a temple of ARTEMIS Proseoea (“To the East”). Artemisium was the site of the first naval encounters between the Greeks and XERXES’ forces over three days, most likely in late August 480 BCE, though Herodotus’ CHRONOLOGY (and indeed his account of events) is problematic (8.1–20). The final battle was contemporaneous with the defeat of the Spartans on the mainland at THERMOPYLAE.

      Artemisium is now the bay of Pevki where Potoki stands. It commands a channel hemmed in to the north by the peninsula of MAGNESIA and the island of SCIATHOS. When asked for help by the Thessalians, it was here that the Greeks, gathered at the ISTHMUS, decided to position their fleet to block the Persian advance, with their land forces sent to hold the pass of Thermopylae. This enabled the two forces to keep in contact, and the Greek fleet could watch for Persian maneuvers, while it would be difficult for the Persians to use their numerical superiority in a battle (though even at its narrowest point the channel is still five miles across). Stationing the fleet there was also intended to prevent the Persians landing troops in northern Euboea and moving south towards CHALCIS, thus blocking any Greek retreat through the EURIPUS channel between Euboea and BOEOTIA. The Greeks could also escape from their position out to SEA, east of Euboea.

Figure 6 Map of the Battle of Artemisium. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Thermopylae_%26_Artemisium_campaign_map.png. Aegean_Sea_map_bathymetry‐fr.svg: Eric Gaba (Sting – fr:Sting) derivative work: MinisterForBadTimes [CC BY‐SA 3.0].

They abandoned Artemisium briefly on news of the Persian success against a small Greek advance guard, but soon returned encouraged by the damage to the Persian fleet caused by the great storm off Mt. PELION, which they learned of from SCYLLIAS the diver. The Greeks were surprised to find the Persian fleet gathered in numbers at APHETAE on the coast opposite (most probably on the bay now called Platania). The Persians meanwhile sent a fleet of 200 ships east and then south in order to sail round Euboea and attempt to cut off any Greek retreat down the Euripus. News of this too was brought to the Greeks by Scyllias. To the surprise of the Persians, the Greek ships, despite their smaller numbers, launched an attack late in the day (perhaps so that there was not time for anything really disastrous to happen), hoping to gain some idea of Persian naval tactics. Exactly what happened is not entirely clear from Herodotus’ account, but a frontal attack brought considerable success and they captured thirty Persian ships. This, and further bad WEATHER, demoralized the Persians who did nothing; fifty‐three Athenian ships then reinforced the Greeks, and on the next day they repeated their afternoon attack against some Cilician ships (possibly a remnant of the 200 sent round Euboea). Unbeknown to the Persians at the time, the ships sent round Euboea perished in the storm at the “HOLLOWS OF EUBOEA” (location uncertain).

Finally, on the third day, the Persians, shamed by their failures against so few ships and fearing Xerxes’ reaction, decided to make a noon‐day attack and attempted to encircle the Greeks. Their numbers caused problems of congestion, but pride kept them going. Losses were considerable on both sides, though greater on the Persian; the Egyptians and Athenians

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