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      ALISON LANSKI

       University of Notre Dame

      A place (chōros) near PLATAEA which included a temple of Eleusinian DEMETER (9.57.2). Argiopium’s location is always discussed in relation to the temple of Demeter, “the single most important and most disputed topographical marker in the battle” of Plataea (Flower and Marincola 2002, 207). It may have been north of the modern village of Kriekouki (Müller I, 564–67).

      SEE ALSO: Amompharetus; Moloeis River

      REFERENCE

      1 Flower, Michael A., and John Marincola, eds. 2002. Herodotus: Histories Book IX. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

ARGIPPAEANS (Ἀργιππαῖοι, οἱ)

      CAROLYN DEWALD

       Bard College

      Herodotus describes the Argippaeans (4.23) as neighbors of the SCYTHIANS who live in the stony foothills of a mountain range (the Urals? Altai? Karatau?). All Argippaeans are bald, with snub noses and large chins, and speak their own language but DRESS like Scythians. They live in something like yurts in winter, under TREES in summer, have no weapons, settle others’ disputes, and are considered hiroi, holy; they protect fugitives. They live off a tree called ponticon (probably the prunus padus), extracting from it a liquid called aschy, which they eat and also combine with milk, similar to a drink of Turkic peoples today living in the region of the Urals. The Argippaeans are trading‐partners with the Greeks from BORYSTHENES and the Scythians, and from them comes information, some of which Herodotus doubts, about other less well‐known and exotic peoples beyond them (4.24–25).

      SEE ALSO: Ethnography; Food; Source Citations; Trade

      FURTHER READING

      1 Bolton, J. D. P. 1962. Aristeas of Proconnesus, 102–15. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

      Corcella in ALC, 598–600.

ARGO (Ἀργώ, ἡ)

      CHRISTOPHER BARON

       University of Notre Dame

      Ship on which JASON and other mythological HEROES (Argonauts) sailed in order to retrieve the golden fleece from COLCHIS. Herodotus largely assumes his AUDIENCE’s knowledge of the tale, mentioning the Argo in connection with three stories: how the MINYANS (descendants of the Argonauts on LEMNOS) came to Lacedaemon (4.145) and eventually colonized THERA; how TRITON prophesied Greek settlements in LIBYA (4.179); and in the ETYMOLOGY of APHETAE in the Gulf of Magnesia, where the Persian fleet anchors before ARTEMISIUM in 480 BCE (7.193).

      SEE ALSO: Heroic Age; Myth; Ships and Sailing

      FURTHER READING

      1 Corcella in ALC, 701–2.

      2 Dräger, Paul. 1993. Argo Pasimelousa: Der Argonautenmythos in der griechischen und römischen Literatur. Teil 1: Theos Aitios. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner.

ARGOS ( Ἄργος, τό)

      NATASHA BERSHADSKY

       Center for Hellenic Studies

      City in the northeastern PELOPONNESE, situated in the western part of the Argive plain (BA 58 D2). Argos shows signs of human occupation since the Neolithic period. In the Late Bronze Age (1600–1100 BCE) it was a substantial settlement, although less important than the palatial centers of MYCENAE or TIRYNS. Unlike many other sites, Argos continued to be inhabited throughout the Dark Age (1100–750 BCE), although it consisted of clusters of small villages. It experienced dramatic population growth in the second half of the eighth century, and by 700 the villages had fused into a single community.

Argos is the first Greek city mentioned in the Histories. In his first account of enmity between Greeks and BARBARIANS—the abduction of the Argive princess IO by the PHOENICIANS which initiates a series of abductions of women leading to the TROJAN WAR (1.1–4)—Herodotus states that in the earliest times Argos was in all respects superior to other Greek CITIES (1.1.2). Argos thus seems to serve as an example of a city that was preeminent in the past but sank into obscurity later (cf. 1.5.4), since Herodotus repeatedly refers to its past greatness: the Argives used to be best in MUSIC (3.131.3); HOMER lavishes PRAISE on Argos and the Argives (5.67.1); the Argive tyrant PHEIDON established standard MEASURES for the Peloponnesians and put himself in charge of the Olympic games (6.127.3); a Macedonian king is recognized as Greek after proving his Argive descent (5.22.2; 8.137–39); even a story of the most perfect HAPPINESS accessible to humans comes from Argos (CLEOBIS AND BITON, 1.31). Herodotus also reports that by the middle of the sixth century BCE Argos controlled most of Peloponnese, including THYREAE (1.82.2; 8.73.3).

      The downward curve in Argos’ standing starts from the Spartan annexation of the Thyreatis after the “Battle of Champions” (whose dramatic date in Herodotus is 546). The Argives establish a custom of cutting their HAIR short in perpetual mourning for their lost land (1.82.7). The next and critical blow comes when 6,000 Argives are killed by the Spartans, led by King CLEOMENES (7.148.2, 494 BCE). Cleomenes orders a treacherous attack on the Argives at the Battle of SEPEIA, and massacres many more of them when he burns the sacred grove of Argos (6.77–80). Herodotus narrates that Argos was so despoiled of men after Cleomenes’ attack that the Argive slaves governed the city for a generation; when the sons of the slain Argives grew up, they wrestled with the slaves over the rule for a long time and prevailed only with difficulty (6.83). Herodotus also reports that 1,000 Argives who came as volunteers to assist AEGINA were killed by the Athenians (beginning of the fifth century, 6.92.2–3; see also 5.86–88 on earlier military assistance for Aegina).

      The final reduction of Argos to insignificance is effected by the Argives themselves, when they choose not to join other Greeks (primarily SPARTA) in fighting PERSIA. Herodotus presents three accounts of that episode, one according to the Argives and two according to other Greeks (7.148–52). While Herodotus does not indicate explicitly his attitude to these versions and is careful to retain a non‐judgmental stance, it is significant that in addition to the prominent theme of Argive fear of Sparta, another conspicuous motif—featured in both the self‐justifying Argive version and an incriminatory version by other Greeks—is the past greatness of Argos. It is precisely that ancient grandeur that impedes Argive participation in the struggle against Persia (since the Argives demand half of the leadership, which is unacceptable to the Spartans: 7.148.4–149) and allows a forging of association between the Argives and the Persians (through the story of their joint ancient descent from the Argive PERSEUS, 7.150). After this account of Argive neutrality (or MEDIZING), Argos fades from Herodotus’ narrative. Its participation in events is recorded only once more, when the Argives send a MESSENGER to the Persians to warn them about the Spartans’ advance in 479 (9.12).

      It is instructive to compare this outline of Herodotus’ presentation to the course of historical events as we can reconstruct it from other sources. Herodotus exaggerates the city’s past prominence: the Argives never controlled most of the Peloponnese (the actual extent of Argive territorial control in the ARCHAIC AGE is disputed); the historicity of the great Pheidon is also problematic. Even more interestingly, far from fading into insignificance, Argos grew remarkably prosperous in the period after the PERSIAN WARS. It consolidated its hold over the Argive plain in the second part of the fifth century, destroying Mycenae and Tiryns and gaining control over the sanctuary of HERA (Hall 1995). Its aggressive territorial expansion was apparently led by a democratic regime, which broadened the franchise by extending Argive citizenship to the inhabitants of the subjugated communities of the Argive plain (Arist. Pol. 1303a6–8). It has been suggested that a story of the heroic defense of Argos

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