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Such an option also had the advantage of avoiding a perilous annexation of Ottoman territories by foreign countries, and especially Russia. Expressing such an opinion, the French former deputy, Saint Marc Girardin, asserted: “Neither the Turks nor the Russians! . . . There is in the Orient others than the Russians to replace the Turks: There are the Christian of the Orient . . . since the principle of nationalities, if it is bound to prevail somewhere, must prevail above all in the Orient.”48

      French nationalist circles, finally, more concerned about the prestige of France and its international influence, extolled the firm policy of their government in 1860, secretly anticipating a reassertion of France's former supremacy in the Levant and a revival of its international glory. The French expedition of 1860 presented an opportunity to reverse the effects of 1840, when a coalition of four European powers and the Ottomans had ousted France's protégé, Muhammad Ali, from Syria and, indeed, to reverse the whole balance of power established in Europe in 1815. At any rate, the nationalists argued, since the expansionist drive of the West “had become the main characteristic of our epoch,” France had to follow an aggressive policy in the Levant if it wanted to retain its prestige and position as a great power.49 Finally, in this same expansionist spirit, certain business and financial circles were beginning to perceive the potential of the Syrian market and welcomed an initiative that should reassert France's political, economic, and trading position.50

      For the Maronite clergy, and indeed for many Maronites, the French expedition represented the realization of an unhoped-for salvation. Though it came too late to save the Maronites from their crushing military defeat and tragedy, it was welcomed as an unanticipated event that would allow them to compensate for their military setbacks. The landing of the French forces bolstered the position of the Maronites, and, as a token of his deep gratitude, the Maronite Patriarch, Mgr Boulos Mas'ad, wrote a letter to Napoleon III, underlining the fact that the manifestation of his interest for the Maronites had “saved them from the abyss” and occurred just at “the moment when despair was filling our heart.” He also expressed his confidence that the emperor would press for the adoption of the appropriate measures to ensure the security of the Maronites and the Christians in all Syria.51

      BEAUFORT'S PLAN

      In this emotionally charged atmosphere, it is not surprising that the commander-in-chief of the French force forgot the strictly limited terms of his mission. At its start, General Beaufort d'Hautpoul had wished for the direct participation of his forces in the repressive and pacificatory efforts of Fuad Pasha.52 He had secretly aspired to make massive arrests among the Druze population, if not to engage them militarily, and to deploy the French forces in Damascus and the Syrian interior.53 He was thwarted by Fuad Pasha, who did his utmost to prove the presence of the French Expeditionary Force redundant, if not detrimental. As a result, the contribution of the French force was limited to deployment in the mixed districts and the Bekaa Valley, after the flight of most of the Druze warriors, as a moral guarantee to the returning Christians; for lack of any military task, they acted as masons and carpenters, helping the Christians of these sectors to rebuild their houses.

      The frustrated general consequently endeavored to meddle in political affairs. He was dissatisfied with the European Commission's approach to the Lebanese question and was anxious to press for a solution more congenial to his own views. Writing to the French minister of foreign affairs, he began to assert that his mission was really “more political than military.”54 As he understood it, his mission and that of the French forces was to ensure a secure future for the Christians of Lebanon, and he made it his responsibility to achieve this aim before leaving the region.

      The commander-in-chief of the French expedition had some clear ideas about the future of Lebanon and of the region. He knew Syria well, having joined the Egyptian army in the 1830s, when he acted as aide-de-camp to the commander of the Egyptian forces, Sulayman Pasha, and participated in his Syrian campaigns.55 At that time, he had also visited the late Emir Bashir II in his palace in Bayt al-Din and was apparently quite impressed by his personality. Beaufort was therefore inclined from the start toward a restoration of the Shihabi Emirate on a more sound and firm basis.

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      Map of Lebanon from a survey by the topographical service of the 1860-61 French Expeditionary Force for Syria, deposited in the archives of the war ministry. Paris: Lemercier, 1862.

      Source: Bibliothèque nationale de France

      

      All along, Beaufort's views remained articulated around this same premise. In his opinion, the European Commission's favored plan aiming at a complete restructuring of Syria and a reorganization of Lebanon within the framework of the other Syrian provinces was unacceptable and, at any rate, inopportune. To begin with, the idea of restoring any sort of Ottoman authority over the Christians of Lebanon seemed totally abhorrent to him: “While the necessities of the political entente in Europe require that the integrity of the Ottoman Empire be preserved, humanity and civilization require that the Christians of the East, whose ancient privileges give them indisputable rights, be delivered once and for all from the incessant dangers of the Muslim fanaticism fostered by the interference of Porte agents in the country's administration.”

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