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A Connecticut Yankee in Lincoln’s Cabinet. Gideon Welles
Читать онлайн.Название A Connecticut Yankee in Lincoln’s Cabinet
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isbn 9780819574985
Автор произведения Gideon Welles
Жанр История
Издательство Ingram
September 22, 1862: A special Cabinet meeting. The subject was the Proclamation for emancipating the slaves after a certain date, in States that shall then be in rebellion. For several weeks the subject has been suspended, but the President says [it was] never lost sight of. When it was submitted, and now in taking up the Proclamation, the President stated that the question was finally decided, the act and the consequences were his, but that he felt it due to us to make us acquainted with the fact and to invite criticism on the paper which he had prepared. There were, he had found, some differences in the Cabinet, but he had, after consulting each and all, individually and collectively, formed his own conclusions and made his own decision. In the course of the discussion on this paper, which was long, earnest, and, on the general principle involved, harmonious, he remarked that he had made a vow, a covenant, that if God gave us the victory in the approaching battle [at Antietam], he would consider it an indication of Divine will, and that it was his duty to move forward in the cause of emancipation. It might be thought strange, he said, that he had in this way submitted the disposal of matters when the way was not clear to his mind what he should do. God had decided this question in favor of the slaves. He was satisfied it was right, was confirmed and strengthened in his action by the vow and the results. His mind was fixed, his decision made, but he wished his paper announcing his course [to be] as correct in terms as it could be made without any change in his determination. He read the document. One or two unimportant emendations suggested by Seward were approved. It was then handed to the Secretary of State to publish to-morrow. After this, Blair remarked that he did not concur in the expediency of the measure at this time, though he approved of the principle, and should therefore wish to file his objections. He stated at some length his views, which were that we ought not to put in greater jeopardy the patriotic element in the Border States, that the results of this Proclamation would be to carry over those States en masse to the Secessionists as soon as it was read, and that there was also a class of partisans in the Free States endeavoring to revive old parties, who would have a club put into their hands of which they would avail themselves to beat the Administration.
Alexander Hay Ritchie’s engraving of Francis Bicknell Carpenter’s 1864 painting First Reading of the Emancipation Proclamation Before the Cabinet (1866). Left to right: seated, Stanton, Lincoln, Welles, Seward, Bates; standing, Chase, Smith, Blair. Source: The Library of Congress
The President said he had considered the danger apprehended from the first objection, which was undoubtedly serious, but the objection was certainly as great not to act; as regarded the last, it had not much weight with him. The question of power, authority, in the Government to set free the slaves was not much discussed at this meeting, but had been canvassed by the President in private conversation with the members individually. Some thought legislation advisable before the step was taken, but Congress was clothed with no authority on this subject, nor is the Executive, except under the war power – military necessity, martial law, when there can be no legislation. This was the view which I took when the President first presented the subject to Seward and myself last summer as we were returning from the funeral of Stanton’s child, a ride of two or three miles beyond Georgetown. Seward was at that time not at all communicative, and, I think, not willing to advise the movement. It is momentous both in its immediate and remote results, and an exercise of extraordinary power which cannot be justified on mere humanitarian principles, and would never have been attempted but to preserve the national existence. These were my convictions and this [was] the drift of the discussion. The effect which the Proclamation will have on the public mind is a matter of some uncertainty. In some respects it would, I think, have been better to have issued it when formerly first considered. There is an impression that Seward has opposed, and is opposed to, the measure. I have not been without that impression myself, chiefly from his hesitation to commit himself, and perhaps because action was suspended on his suggestion. But in the final discussion he has as cordially supported the measure as Chase.
For myself the subject has, from its magnitude and its consequences oppressed me, aside from the ethical features of the question. It is a step in the progress of this war which will extend into the distant future. The termination of this terrible conflict seems more remote with every movement, and unless the Rebels hasten to avail themselves of the alternative presented, of which I see little probability, the war can scarcely be other than one of subjugation. There is in the Free States a very general impression that this measure will insure a speedy peace. I cannot say that I so view it. No one in those States dare advocate peace as a means of prolonging slavery, if it is his honest opinion, and the pecuniary, industrial, and social sacrifice impending will intensify the struggle before us. While, however, these dark clouds are above and around us, I cannot see how the subject could be avoided. Perhaps it is not desirable it should be.
Apropos Welles’s statement that Seward supported issuance of the preliminary Proclamation as “cordially” as Chase did, it will be seen in Chapter 2 that just two weeks before he issued the final Proclamation, Lincoln confronted a crisis precipitated by the attempt of a caucus of Republican senators to force him to oust the secretary of state. This was in part because many of the senators had the erroneous impression that Seward was exerting a “conservative” influence on the president with respect to emancipation. Chase, who was Seward’s foremost rival for influence and power within the administration, had done much behind the scenes to give Republican senators this impression. There was even concern that if Seward had his way, Lincoln would not issue the final Proclamation on January 1st.
September 24, 1862: As I write, 9 P.M., a band of music strikes up on the opposite side of the square,6 a complimentary serenade to the President for the [preliminary] Emancipation Proclamation. The document has been in the main well received, but there is some violent opposition, and the friends of the measure have made this demonstration to show their approval.
December 29, 1862: At the meeting to-day, the President read the draft of his Emancipation Proclamation, invited criticism, and finally directed that copies should be furnished to each [cabinet member]. It is a good and well-prepared paper, but I suggested that part of the sentence marked in pencil be omitted. Chase advised that fractional parts of States ought not be exempted. In this I think he is right, and so stated. Practically, there would be difficulty in freeing parts of States and not freeing others – a clashing between central and local authorities.7
December 31, 1862: We had an early and special Cabinet-meeting, convened at 10 A.M. The subject was the Proclamation of to-morrow to emancipate the slaves in the Rebel States. Seward proposed two amendments, one including mine, and one enjoining upon, instead of appealing to, those emancipated, to forbear from tumult.8 Blair had, like Seward and myself, proposed the omission of a part of a sentence and made other suggestions which I thought improvements. Chase made some good criticisms and proposed a felicitous closing sentence.9 The President took the suggestions, written in order, and said he would complete the document.
January 1, 1863: The Emancipation Proclamation is published in this evening’s Star. This is a broad step, and will be a landmark in history. The immediate effect will not be all its friends anticipate or its opponents apprehend. Passing events are steadily accomplishing what is here proclaimed. The character of the country is in many respects undergoing a transformation. This must be obvious to all, and I am content to await the results of events, deep as they may plough their furrows in our once happy land. This great upheaval which is shaking our civil fabric was perhaps necessary to overthrow and subdue the mass of wrong and error which no trivial measure could eradicate. The seed which is being sown will germinate and bear fruit, and tares and weeds will also spring up under the new dispensation.10
II
The following two excerpts describe the efforts by a shady promoter,