LITMIR.BIZ

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and berry-picking. A popular chief was one who was generous, liberal, and kind-hearted, and looked well after the material comforts of the tribe. Rarely, if ever, did the siam act in a military capacity. The stamiq, or war-chief, was generally chosen from among the fighting-men of the tribe on account of his superior prowess or skill in warfare. There was no regular warrior class. Such members of the tribe only as were fond of fighting ever went out to battle, except in such cases as when their settlements or homes were attacked. Then all the men, and sometimes the women too, took part. But this was a rare occurrence. Their traditions speak of quarrels and contests with their neighbours, the Pilatlq [Pilalt]. These arose generally on account of one tribe overrunning the hunting grounds of the other. Apparently the Chilliwack were mostly to blame in this respect, often overstepping the boundaries between them and the Pilalt and hunting in the latter’s territories. Sometimes a body of warriors would descend the Fraser, harry some of the lower settlements, and bring back a number of captives. These they would sell as slaves to the more timid or less adventurous of the tribe, and thus enrich themselves. The siam would usually discountenance these forays; but, as in every other tribe, there were also among the Chilliwack some restless, venturesome spirits, and these would from time to time persuade others less warlike than themselves to join them, by tempting them with visions and promises of the rich spoils they would secure and bring home. Sometimes these war-parties were never heard of again, being ambushed and slain by the way.

      I could learn little concerning secret societies or brotherhoods, though some such apparently formerly existed among them, the brotherhood of the sqoiaqi being the most noted. There were also, seemingly, fraternities which possessed peculiar dances; but the whole subject is very obscure and its particulars difficult to gather among the Chilliwack. In common with the other Salish tribes, the Chilliwack indulged in religious and social dances. They observed, too, the Feasts of First-fruits, which were conducted much as described by me in my notes on the Thompson.⁷ These religious feasts seem to have been observed by all the Halkomelem tribes, as I find them among the upper and the lower tribes of the river.

      The potlatch, mortuary, naming, and other feasts were held in esteem by the Chilliwack, as by other of the Salish tribes, though all have been reluctantly given up as a general thing for some years past. Occasionally someone with a large house will be induced to give a dance, I was informed. This will be conducted partly on native lines and partly on the lines of the white man’s dance; but all such gatherings are discountenanced by the Indian authorities and by the missionaries, and occur now but rarely.

      The lines between the three social divisions of the Chilliwack were less rigid than those between some of the coast tribes; at least, that is, between the notabilities and the common people. The chief’s caste was a class apart. Only those connected by consanguineal ties could belong to this caste, the head of which was always the yuwel siam, who always bore the personal name or title of swales in addition to his other individual names; and his daughters were always called swalesant. I was unable to learn the significance of these terms, other than that swales signified “getting rich.” A noble or headman among the Chilliwack was such by his wealth and intelligence and by the consent of his fellow-tribesmen. Any man, other than a slave, could win such a position for himself by the acquisition of wealth and by a generous and discreet distribution of the same. The common people, other than the slaves, were such because they were lazy, thriftless, unambitious, or incapable of rising in the social scale.

      As I observed at the outset, the Chilliwack were more communistic than their neighbours; they held their possessions more in common. Thus, for example, they ate together as one family. The chief would call upon a certain individual each day to provide the meals for all the others, everyone, more or less, thus taking it in turn to discharge this social duty. The sick and old he would make the charge of those who were best able to take care of them. Thus all were provided for and none left in want. It must not be supposed, however, that all fared alike. Under such a rule there would be no incentive for any individual to lay in a good store of choice food, and the lazy and thriftless would reap the benefits of the toil and foresight of the industrious and careful. In each family the food stores were always divided into three portions, and packed away separately on the shelves over the beds. At the back, where it was most protected from injury, dust, and smoke, was placed the choicest portion. This was intended for the siam, who was entitled by his office to the best of everything. In the middle was placed the second best portion. This was for the owner and his friends, and others of his social rank. On the outside was stored away all the inferior food. This was for the common folk. Thus, by this division of their supplies, though their meals were communistic, there was given no encouragement to thriftlessness or indolence. This singular mixture of communism and privilege is an extremely interesting feature of the social life of the Chilliwack. It seems, moreover, peculiar to them, as I have not found it elsewhere.

      The tribe was originally endogamous; but later, closer contact with the neighbouring tribes made a strict observance of this rule impolitic, and led to the taking of wives from other communities. Polygamy was common among the Chilliwack, a man having sometimes as many as ten wives. The number of a man’s wives was ordered, as a rule, partly by his inclinations and partly by his ability to support them. Like most of the other tribes, they kept slaves, the wealthy possessing several of both sexes. These were generally captives taken in warfare or in some foray on some distant settlement.

Dwellings

      The permanent habitation of the Chilliwack was, as I have said, the communal long-house. The adoption of this style of dwelling, I learnt, was primarily for purposes of mutual protection and defence in cases of attack. It can readily be seen that such houses would be imperatively needful where the community was small, the number of males limited, and the tribe surrounded by hostile and predatory bands. Later, when this need was no longer felt, custom and a recognition of the social advantages of such a structure would operate to perpetuate this mode of building. I think there can be but little doubt that these dwellings, first erected for mutual safetly and protection, have profoundly affected the social life and customs of the Indians using them. The communism of the Halkomelem and coast Salish tribes doubtless grew out of it; likewise their character dances, which are invariably performed during the winter days and evenings in these long common houses.

      The long-house of the Chilliwack was of the half gable or single slope pattern, the front or higher side rising 25 or 30 feet. The interior was equally divided between the different families of the tribe. Each family was entitled to a space eight talcs square. (A talc was the length of the interval or space between the outstretched arms of a man, measured across his chest from the tip of the middle finger on one hand to the corresponding point on the other.) When the tribe was populous these houses would extend in an unbroken line for several hundred feet. The chief always occupied the centre. In this custom we have plain evidence of the truth of the statement made to me by the Indians, that they adopted this style of house primarily for protective purposes. The chief — the father and head of the tribe — whose loss would be most severely felt, is always lodged in the securest portion of the structure. On either side of him dwell his brothers, the elder ones coming first. After them come the lesser chiefs and notables, and beyond these again the common folk. There were commonly but two doors to these dwellings, one at each end. In the interior, the spaces allotted to family use were separated by hanging mats or screens of grass or reeds. On festive occasions these were taken down and the divisions thrown into one. The beds were formed by reed mats laid one upon another, the head-rests or pillows being rolls of the same. The coverings of the meaner class were of the same material; the wealthier supplemented these by dressed skins and blankets made from the wool of the mountain-goat.

      The keekwilee, or underground winter-house, was also occasionally used by some of the Chilliwack, and known to them by the term skemel. Lalem is the name by which the long-house was known, which, to judge by the lam of the Squamish and other tribes, is the collective form of the term.

      The household utensils of the Chilliwack did not differ, except in size, from those used by their congeners elsewhere. These consisted of various forms of basketry, always made, as among the Thompsons, from the split roots of young cedar-trees; wooden bowls, dishes, platters, and spoons. As their meals were of the communistic order, large receptacles were a necessity. Consequently

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