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by the great subject which I have long been starting and I now definitely approach – The Classical Revival.’24 He was still nominally collecting material for Berenson, and tried out one suggestion on his mentor: ‘Of course work for the Florentine Drawings cannot consume all my time … Many plans have occurred to me, the most ambitious and the one which seems to me most worth doing is some study of the conflict between classicism & baroque which seems to have absorbed the Italian spirit during the late 16th & early 17th century. I should like to put Raphael & Michelangelo into two slots at the top and see them come out Poussin and Rubens at the bottom … Do you think it is worth attempting?’25

      The project he outlined never developed, although he was later to show a parallel interest in the conflict between Neoclassicism and the Romantic Movement. However, there was another idea that was to tease Clark for the next fifty years. A notebook in his archive, dated 1928, reveals the beginning of a lifelong obsession with what he believed would be his ‘great book’, to which he frequently returned: Motives. The cryptic note reads: ‘write a Study in the History of Ornament tracing the change of character in various well known motives. By taking the history of one motive, one is able to concentrate on changes of form. The ornaments must have had at least three incarnations – Classical, Medieval & Renaissance … & Oriental, Baroque & Modern. Collect subjects beginning with: 1. Mermaids 2. Greek masters [?] 3. Horses & chariots etc.’26 The project, which owed much to Riegl, was an attempt to interpret design as a revelation of a state of mind, and changes of style, as for example that from the Classical to the early medieval, not as a decadence but as a change of will.27 By examining a recurrent theme he hoped it would be possible to express the unity of form and subject – the essence of a work of art. Clark returned to Motives at various points of his life, notably when he was Slade Professor, but confessed in his autobiography that ‘I had neither the intelligence nor the staying power to achieve such an ambition, but it has haunted me ever since, and although I have not written my “great book” I know what kind of book it ought to have been.’28 Motives was even to become one of his principal arguments against making Civilisation.29

      In May 1929 Berenson finally decided to drop any pretence about his relations with Clark. He wrote from Baalbek in Lebanon: ‘I think I must let you know after having thought it over as well as I know how, I have decided that we had better give up our plan of collaborating on the new edition of the Florentine Drawings … I shall need not a collaborator but an assistant … It would be absurd to expect you to leave house and wife and child and friends to devil for a cantankerous old man … I want you to believe, dear Kenneth, that it is to save our friendship that I am giving up our working together.’30 Once he had recovered from the initial upset, Clark would have realised that Berenson was right. Besides, he was about to embark on a great adventure in the London art world, and one of which BB would not approve.

      8

       The Italian Exhibition

       What a horrible affair the whole thing is! I wonder if … Italian friendship is worth the risk?

      LORD BALNIEL to Kenneth Clark1

      On 18 December 1929 there sailed into the East India Docks in East London the greatest cargo of art ever brought to Britain’s shores. The priceless hoard of over three hundred works – paintings, sculpture and drawings – was placed in the hold of a single boat, the Leonardo da Vinci, which made its way from Genoa through winter storms off the coast of Brittany to London. With it came Kenneth Clark’s first great opportunity in the London art world: his involvement in the extraordinary exhibition of Italian art that opened at the Royal Academy on 1 January 1930.

      The exhibition’s aims were shamelessly political – it was an attempt by Mussolini to promote italianita, or what Francis Haskell, in his entertaining account of the saga, described as ‘Botticelli in the service of Fascism’.2 With enthusiastic support from Il Duce, the loaned works of art were of a quality and importance inconceivable outside a fascist state. They included virtually every major painting that was judged safe to make the journey from Italy to London: Masaccio’s Crucifixion, Botticelli’s Birth of Venus, Giorgione’s Tempesta, Titian’s Portrait of an Englishman, and the pair of portraits that had brought Clark to his knees in the Uffizi, Piero della Francesca’s Duke and Duchess of Urbino. The irresponsibility of consigning so many of the world’s art treasures to such risks was widely condemned at the time. ‘Naturally,’ wrote Clark, ‘all right thinking lovers of art were horrified by this piece of vandalism – none more so than Mr Berenson.’3 So why did Clark become one of the principal organisers of the exhibition? It was an irresistible opportunity to catalogue some of the greatest paintings in the world that no ambitious young man could forgo.

      The idea of the exhibition had in fact been born in Britain. During the previous decade a series of successful London exhibitions, each with a different national theme, had been held at the Royal Academy: Spanish paintings, Flemish art, and Dutch art. The last two were not actually organised by the Academy, which levied a rental fee for the use of its galleries. These promising precedents gave Lady Chamberlain, the formidable wife of the Foreign Secretary, Austen Chamberlain, the idea for an even more ambitious exhibition of Italian art. She and her husband were enthusiastic Italophiles, and it was her vision, energy and connections that brought the exhibition into being. It came, however, at a shocking cost in strained relationships between the two countries.

      All started reasonably well. Lady Chamberlain and the collector Sir Robert Witt4 put together a committee in the second half of 1927, which elected her as chair. The historical range of the exhibition was agreed to be 1300–1900, mostly paintings, but also drawings, sculpture, manuscripts and ceramics. Loans – all chosen by a London selection committee – were sought from museums and private collections across Europe, but well over half would come from Italy. At the Italian end, Ettore Modigliani was appointed to organise the exhibition. His qualifications were excellent: director of the Brera Museum for twenty years, and Soprintendente delle Belle Arti of Lombardy – but his distinction was lost on Clark, whose aversion to bores got the better of him. He described Modigliani as ‘a ridiculous figure by any standards and must have risen to high office by sheer volubility. He never stopped talking for a second, and hard-pressed officials must have given him anything he wanted just to get rid of him.’5 Haskell, from an examination of Modigliani’s life, thought this

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