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comprise the tributes, by encomiendas; the royal tenths of gold, and the ecclesiastical tithes; customs duties; and fines from the courts. All these sources of income amount to over one hundred and twenty thousand pesos. Then are mentioned, in order, the expenses: for salaries of government officials, alcaldes and other local magistrates; wages of government workmen, pilots, sailors, and others; supplies in the ship-yards, etc., and purchases for various purposes; salaries of ecclesiastics, and other expenses for churches and missions. To these are added “extraordinary expenses:” the cost of embassies to neighboring rulers; salaries paid to collectors of tribute, and others; expenses of the soldiers and their officers; and salaries to the wardens of forts. All these expenses amount to over two hundred and fifty-five thousand pesos a year, more than twice as much as the income.

      Felipe III writes to Velasco, the viceroy of Nueva España (September 27 1608), regarding the proposed way-station for Philippine vessels. After summarizing a letter on this subject from Velasco’s predecessor, Montesclaros, the king approves the latter’s advice to choose, as such way-station, the islands called Rica de Oro and Rica de Plata (afterward found to be fabulous) instead of Monterey; and orders Velasco to see that a port and settlement be established there, the enterprise to be conducted by Sebastian Vizcaino. Another decree (May 3, 1609) states that, as Velasco has not carried out this order, and advices have been received that the said exploration and settlement should be made from the Philippines, the king decides upon this latter measure, and the enterprise is to be placed in the hands of the governor of the islands. Letters from the king (May 26 and July 29) to Juan de Silva, the new governor of the islands, direct him not to allow the Indians to pay their tributes in personal services, and to inform the king regarding the proposal of the Dominicans to found a college in the islands.

      Explorations have been made at different times along the Rio Grande de Cagayán, in the northern part of Luzon. An account of these, with later information, is compiled by Juan Manuel de la Vega (July 3, 1609). He gives a brief summary of the efforts made by Lavezaris, Vera, and Dasmariñas to bring this province under Spanish control. The third of these (July, 1591), under the command of Luis Dasmariñas, is the first effective expedition to the valley of the Rio Grande. He secures the submission of various native villages, and treats the natives with great leniency. A few weeks later, Francisco de Mendoca follows on the route, and finds the Indians hostile, refusing even to sell him food. Not finding Dasmariñas (the main object of his expedition), he follows the Rio Grande to the city of Nueva Segovia, thus ending his journey. In November of the same year, Pedro Sid goes with some soldiers to Tuy, and now finds the natives friendly. He finds gold among them, which they tell him is brought from the country of Igorrotes. He makes some further explorations, and receives submission from all the chiefs whom he encounters. Three years later, Luis Dasmariñas sends Toribio de Miranda (October, 1594), with soldiers and friars, to explore further and to pacify the province of Tuy. The natives are apparently peaceable, but several instances of treachery occur, and the Spaniards are obliged to be on their guard continually. As in the other accounts, mention is made of each village visited, in succession, and various interesting details are related. At Anit the houses are decorated with the heads of men and of animals; “such was their custom”. At Bantal Miranda builds a fort, and requires hostages from some hostile or treacherous chiefs. At Agulan the little children are wearing golden necklaces of good quality, “good enough to be worn in Madrid”. At Tuguey and some other villages the natives resist the entrance of the Spaniards, but are terrified at the sound of firearms, and quickly yield submission. Retracing their route, the Spaniards find that the villages which they had left in peace are now revolting; they seize the chief who has most disturbed the people, and send him to Manila. The governor feasts him there, and sends him back to his own village, apparently well pleased with the Spaniards. Miranda searches for gold-mines, but cannot find them; and finally, sick and discouraged, as also are his friars, returns to Manila. Captain Clavijo is sent to search for the mines, but is compelled to retreat, being assaulted by more than a thousand Indians. In 1607 many chiefs from Tuy come to Manila and offer their submission to the Spaniards; but the Audiencia take no interest in the matter, and pass it by. Later, those chiefs send requests to Manila for protection and religious instruction. The richness and fertility of their country is described; and an interesting account is given of the gold-mines in the adjacent mountains, and the primitive mining operations conducted by the natives. These are Igorrotes, of whose appearance and customs some mention is made. As they are pagans, and lukewarm even in idolatry, it will be easy to make Christians of them. There is great reason to believe that the Igorrote country abounds in gold. To this account are appended several others bearing on this subject. One of these relates the circumstances which induced Dasmariñas to explore Tuy; another is a copy of the warrant and instructions given to him by his father the governor. These are followed by a curious document, apparently written by Vega on behalf of himself and others interested in the conquest of Tuy and the Igorrote gold country, and addressed to some high official in Spain—perhaps Lerma, the favorite of Felipe III. It contains further stipulations, in matters affecting the interests of these parties. A suitable reward shall be given, in the form of small shares in the galleon’s cargo, to the officers and men who serve in the expedition to Tuy; and these must be used only in certain specified ways. These promoters ask for authority to appoint the officers and soldiers necessary as garrisons in the conquered country, and to fix the pay of these men, which shall be provided from the royal treasury. If they have important despatches to send to Spain, they wish to send them directly from the Pacific coast of Luzon, rather than via Manila. If they shall succeed in pacifying those barbarous tribes, they expect permission to allot those natives in encomiendas, at their own pleasure. They also ask for commutation of the royal fifth of gold to one tenth. Still another list of stipulations is given, also over Vega’s signature. The promoters of the Tuy scheme demand that answer be made to it by return mail; otherwise, they will be released from all obligations. The cost of this conquest should be borne by the royal treasury. Vega commends himself and his associate—some man of affairs—as heads for this enterprise, and urges that the royal sanction be speedily given to it. The boundaries of the province of Tuy are declared; and certain stipulations are made regarding the encomiendas to be allotted therein, also the authority to be granted to Vega, and the privileges to be accorded to the soldiers.

      On July 25, 1609, a petition is sent to the king by Miguel Banal (a descendant of the Moro ruler dispossessed by Legaspi at Manila), praying for redress against the Jesuits for depriving him and other Indians at Quiapo of their lands; he asks the king to investigate this matter anew, and to protect him from further spoliation. The Dominican missionary Aduarte makes a declaration (in a document undated, but of 1608) of the reasons why some of his religious belonging to the mission of 1606 had remained in Nueva España, instead of completing the voyage to the Philippines. Some died on the way, some failed to reach the port of embarcation, and the ship assigned to the missionaries was too small to carry all of them. Aduarte remonstrates against the embarrassments and restrictions with which he and other missionaries have had to contend; and complains, as before, of the scanty allowance made for their traveling expenses—illustrating this from his own and others’ experiences. This is followed by a request from the discalced Augustinians (1609?) for extension of previous permission to send more of their friars to the Philippines.

      The Editors

      April, 1904.

      Documents of 1605

      • Complaints against the archbishop. Pedro de Acuña, and others; July 1–4.

      • Relations with the Chinese. Pedro de Acuña, and others; July 4 and 5.

      • Letters to Felipe III. Pedro de Acuña; July 1–15.

      Source: All these documents are obtained from the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.

      Translations: The first letter in the second document, and the first two in the third, are translated by Henry B. Lathrop, of the University of Wisconsin; the remainder, by Robert W. Haight and Emma Helen Blair.

Complaints Against the Archbishop

      Sire:

      Ever since I began to have dealings with the archbishop Don Fray Miguel

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