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Mr.

      Earle, Mr.

      Fazakerly, Mr.

      Fox, Mr.

      Gage, Lord,

      Gore, Mr.

      Gore, Mr.

      Gower, Lord,

      Gybbon, Mr.

      Halifax, Lord,

      Hardwick, Lord,

      Harrington, Lord,

      Hay, Mr.

      Hervey, Lord,

      Howe, Mr.

      Littleton, Mr.

      Lockwood, Mr.

      Lord Chancellor,

      Lovel, Lord,

      Marlborough, Duke of,

      Mordaunt, Col.

      Newcastle, Duke of,

      Norris, Admiral,

      Onslow, Mr.

      Ord, Mr.

      Pelham, Mr.

      Pitt, Mr.

      Pulteney, Mr.

      Quarendon, Lord,

      Salisbury, Bishop of,

      Sandys, Mr.

      Shippen, Mr.

      Sloper, Mr.

      Southwell, Mr.

      Talbot, Lord,

      Thompson, Lord,

      Tracey, Mr.

      Tyrconnel,

      Vyner, Mr.

      Wade, General,

      Wager, Sir Charles,

      Waller, Mr.

      Walpole, Sir Robert,

      Walpole, Mr.

      Westmoreland, Lord,

      Willimot, Mr.

      Winnington, Mr.

      Yonge, Sir Wm.

      DEBATES IN PARLIAMENT

      HOUSE OF COMMONS, NOVEMBER 19, 1740

PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATE, WITH REGARD TO THE BILL FOR PROHIBITING THE EXPORTATION OF CORN, ETC

      On the first day of the session, his majesty, in his speech from the throne, recommended to parliament to consider of some good law to prevent the growing mischief of the exportation of corn to foreign countries.

      On the fourth day, a bill for preventing, for a limited time, the exportation, etc, was read a first time in the house of commons, and the question put, whether it should be printed, which passed in the negative.

      This day the agent for the colonies of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, presented a petition against the said corn bill, which was referred to the committee.

      Another petition was also presented by the agent for the colony of Connecticut, in New England, setting forth that the chief trade of that colony arose from supplying other British colonies with corn, so that unless that colony be excepted from the restraints intended by this bill, both that and those which are supplied by it will be reduced to great distress, and praying, therefore, that such exception may be allowed.

      The allegations in this petition were confirmed by another, from one of the provinces supplied by the colony of Connecticut.

      Another petition was presented by the agent for South Carolina, setting forth, that unless the rice produced in that province were allowed to be exported, the colony must be ruined by the irretrievable loss of their whole trade, as the countries now supplied from thence might easily procure rice from the French settlements, already too much their rivals in trade.

      This petition was supported by another, offered at the same time by the merchants of Bristol.

      A petition was likewise presented by the agent for the sugar islands, in which it was alleged, that if no provisions be imported thither from Britain, they must, in one month, suffer the extremities of famine.

      All these petitions were referred to the committee for the bill.

      A printed paper was also delivered to the members, entitled, 'considerations on the embargo,' which enumerated many dangerous consequences likely to be produced by an embargo on provisions, and suggested that it was no better than a wicked scheme for private profit, with other reflections, for which the paper was deemed a libel, and the author committed to prison.

      The bill being read in the committee, produced the following memorable debate.

      Mr. PULTNEY spoke to this effect:—Sir, after all the attention which has been bestowed upon the bill now before us, I cannot yet conceive it such as can benefit the nation, or such as will not produce far greater inconveniencies than those which it is intended to obviate, and therefore, as those inconveniencies may be prevented by other means, I cannot but declare that I am far from approving it.

      Our ancestors, sir, have always thought it the great business of this house to watch against the encroachments of the prerogative, and to prevent an increase of the power of the minister; and the commons have always been considered as more faithful to their trust, and more properly the representatives of the people, in proportion as they have considered this great end with more attention, and prosecuted it with more invariable resolution. If we inquire into the different degrees of reputation, which the several assemblies of commons have obtained, and consider why some are remembered with reverence and gratitude, and others never mentioned but with detestation and contempt, we shall always find that their conduct, with regard to this single point, has produced their renown or their infamy. Those are always, by the general suffrage of mankind, applauded as the patterns of their country, who have struggled with the influence of the crown, and those condemned as traitors, who have either promoted it by unreasonable grants, or seen it increase by slow degrees, without resistance.

      It has not, indeed, sir, been always the practice of ministers to make open demands of larger powers, and avow, without disguise, their designs of extending their authority; such proposals would, in former times, have produced no consequences but that of awakening the vigilance of the senate, of raising suspicions against all their proceedings, and of embarrassing the crown with petitions, addresses, and impeachments.

      They were under a necessity, in those times, of promoting their schemes; those schemes which scarcely any ministry has forborne to adopt, by more secret and artful and silent methods, by methods of diverting the attention of the publick to other objects, and of making invisible approaches to the point in view, while they seemed to direct all their endeavours to different purposes.

      But such, sir, have been the proofs of implicit confidence, which the administration has received from this assembly, that it is now common to demand unlimited powers, and to expect confidence without restriction, to require an immediate possession of our estates by a vote of credit, or the sole direction of our trade by an act for prohibiting, during their pleasure, the exportation of the produce of our lands.

      Upon what instances of uncommon merit, of regard to the publick prosperity, unknown in former times, or of discernment superior to that of their most celebrated predecessors, the present ministers found their new claims to submission and to trust, I am, indeed, at a loss to discover; for, however mankind may have determined concerning the integrity of those by whom the late memorable convention was transacted, defended, and confirmed, I know not that their wisdom has yet appeared by any incontestable or manifest evidence, which may set their abilities above question, and fix their reputation for policy out of the reach of censure and inquiries.

      The only act, sir, by which it can be discovered that they have any degree of penetration proportionate to their employments, is the embargo lately laid upon provisions in Ireland, by which our enemies have been timely hindered from furnishing themselves, from our dominions, with necessaries for their armies and their navies, and our fellow-subjects have been restrained from exposing themselves to the miseries of famine, by yielding to the temptation of present profit; a temptation generally so powerful as to prevail

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