LITMIR.BIZ

In the United States today, the term «terrorism» conjures up images of dangerous, outside threats: religious extremists and suicide bombers in particular. Harder to see but all the more pervasive is the terrorism perpetuated by the United States itself, whether through military force overseas or woven into the very fabric of society at home. Henry Giroux, in this passionate and incisive book, turns the conventional wisdom on terrorism upside down, demonstrating how fear and lawlessness have become organizing principles of life in the United States, and violence an acceptable form of social mediation. He addresses the most pressing issues of the moment, from officially sanctioned torture to militarized police forces to austerity politics. Giroux also examines the ongoing degradation of the education system and how young people in particular suffer its more nefarious outcomes. Against this grim picture, Giroux posits a politics of hope and a commitment to accurate-and radical-historical memory. He draws on a long, distinguished career developing the tenets of critical pedagogy to propose a cure for our addiction to terrorism: a kind of «public pedagogy» that challenges the poisoned narratives of «America's dis-imagination machine.»

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Long before the smokestacks and factories of industrial Akron rose from Ohio’s Cuyahoga Valley, the region was a place of tense confrontation. Beginning in the early 19th-century, white settlers began pushing in from the east, lured by the promise of cheap (or free) land. They inevitably came into conflict with the current inhabitants, American Indians who had thrived in the valley for generations or had already been displaced by settlement along the eastern seaboard. Here, on what was once the western fringe of the United States, the story of the country’s founding and development played out in all its ignominy and drama, as American Indians lost their land, and often their lives, while white settlers expanded a nation.Historian and novelist John Tully draws on contemporary accounts and a wealth of studies to produce this elegiac history of the Cuyahoga Valley. He pays special attention to how settlers’ notions of private property—and the impulse to own and develop the land—clashed with more collective social organizations of American Indians. He also documents the ecological cost of settlement, long before heavy industry laid waste to the region. Crooked Deals and Broken Treatiesis an impassioned accounting of the cost of “progress,” and an insistent reminder of the barbarism and deceit that fueled the rise of the United States.

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The Haitian Revolution, the product of the first successful slave revolt, was truly world-historic in its impact. When Haiti declared independence in 1804, the leading powers—France, Great Britain, and Spain—suffered an ignominious defeat and the New World was remade. The island revolution also had a profound impact on Haiti’s mainland neighbor, the United States. Inspiring the enslaved and partisans of emancipation while striking terror throughout the Southern slaveocracy, it propelled the fledgling nation one step closer to civil war. Gerald Horne’s path breaking new work explores the complex and often fraught relationship between the United States and the island of Hispaniola. Giving particular attention to the responses of African Americans, Horne surveys the reaction in the United States to the revolutionary process in the nation that became Haiti, the splitting of the island in 1844, which led to the formation of the Dominican Republic, and the failed attempt by the United States to annex both in the 1870s.Drawing upon a rich collection of archival and other primary source materials, Horne deftly weaves together a disparate array of voices—world leaders and diplomats, slaveholders, white abolitionists, and the freedom fighters he terms Black Jacobins. Horne at once illuminates the tangled conflicts of the colonial powers, the commercial interests and imperial ambitions of U.S. elites, and the brutality and tenacity of the American slaveholding class, while never losing sight of the freedom struggles of Africans both on the island and on the mainland, which sought the fulfillment of the emancipatory promise of 18th century republicanism.

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Your Time Is Done Now tells the story of the Maroons (runaways slaves) of Dominica and their allies through the transcripts of trials held in 1813 and 1814 during the Second Maroon War. Using the evidence to explain how the Maroons waged war against slave society, the book reveals for the first time fascinating details about how Maroons survived in the forests and also about their relationship with the enslaved on the plantations. It also examines the key role of the British governor who succeeded in suppressing the Maroons and how the Colonial Office in London reacted to his punitive conduct. Read the evidence and hear the voices of the oppressed in resistance and defeat.

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In early 1917, as Britain was bogged down in a war it feared would never end, Alice Wheeldon, her two daughters, and her son were brought to trial and imprisoned for plotting the assassination of Prime Minister Lloyd George, who they believed had betrayed the suffrage movement. In this highly evocative and haunting play, British historian and feminist Sheila Rowbotham illuminates the lives and struggles of those who opposed the war. The Wheeldons’ controversial trial became something of a cause célèbre—a show trial at the height of the First World War—based on fabricated evidence from a criminally insane fantasist, “Alex Gordon,” who was working for an undercover intelligence agency. It was a travesty of justice. Friends of Alice Wheeldon is combined here with Rowbotham’s extended essay, “Rebel Networks in the First World War,” that gives a historical overview of the political and social forces that converged upon the Wheeldon family and friends.First published nearly thirty years ago, this new edition points readers to subsequent research into the case and the ongoing campaign to clear Alice Wheeldon’s name. It offers a necessary corrective to the more triumphalist commemorations of the First World War.

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For more than half a century, the Socialist Register has brought together some of the sharpest thinkers from around the globe to address the pressing issues of our time. Founded by Ralph Miliband and John Saville in London in 1964, SR continues their commitment to independent and thought-provoking analysis, free of dogma or sectarian positions. Transforming Classes is a compendium of socialist thought today and a clarifying account of class struggle in the early twenty-first-century, from China to the United States.For more than half a century, the Socialist Register has brought together some of the sharpest thinkers from around the globe to address the pressing issues of our time. Founded by Ralph Miliband and John Saville in London in 1964, SR continues their commitment to independent and thought-provoking analysis, free of dogma or sectarian positions. Transforming Classes is a compendium of socialist thought today and a clarifying account of class struggle in the early twenty-first-century, from China to the United States.

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Thisis the book that Alex Boraine never wanted to write. As a native South Africanand a witness to the worst years of apartheid, he has known many of the leadersof the African National Congress in exile. He shared the jubilation of millionsof South Africans when the ANC won the first democratic elections in 1994 andtook up the reins of government under the presidency of Nelson Mandela. Now, two decades later, he is forcedto wonder what exactly has gone wrong in South Africa. Intolerance and corruption are the hallmarksof the governing party, while the worsening state of education, health, safetyand security and employment strengthen the claim that South Africa is a failingstate. Boraine explores this urgent and critical issue from the vantage pointof wide experience as a minister, parliamentarian, co-founder of the Institutefor Democracy in South Africa (IDASA) and Vice Chairperson of South Africa’s Truthand Reconciliation Committee. He digs deep into the history of the ANC andconcludes that both in exile and today, the ANC is slavishly committed to one partyas the dominant ruling factor. All else – the Executive, Parliament, theJudiciary, civil society and the media – take second and third place. The ANC,Boraine claims, seeks to control every institution. What’sGone Wrong? pulls no punches, but it also goes beyond strong criticism and offers anumber of constructive proposals, including the re-alignment of politics as away of preventing South Africa becoming a failed state. As South Africa mournsthe loss of Mandela and embarks on another national election, with the ANClikely to begin a third decade of rule, this incisive, detailed critique isrequired reading for all who are interested in the fate of this young nation.

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“Many Americans are unsatisfied with politics. Simultaneously, we are hesitant to question the basic soundness of our constitutional system. In this refreshingly provocative book, David Orentlicher explains why it is due time for us to reconsider dominant ideas about the presidency, now arguably our most powerful political institution. Challenging the conventional wisdom that the best executive is necessarily a unitary executive, Orentlicher makes a wonderful case for why ‘two presidents are better than one.’ Sure to be of interest to political scientists, legal scholars, as well as informed citizens justifiably worried about the fate of American democracy, this fascinating book dares to challenge everything you thought you knew about one of our favorite political institutions.”—William E. Scheuerman, Indiana University “Can Orentlicher be serious in calling for a plural executive? The answer is yes, and he presents thoughtful and challenging arguments responding to likely criticisms. Any readers who are other than completely complacent about the current state of American politics will have to admire Orentlicher’s distinctive audacity and to respond themselves to his well-argued points.”—Sanford Levinson, author of Framed: America’s 51 Constitutions and the Crisis of Governance When talking heads and political pundits make their “What’s Wrong with America” lists, two concerns invariably rise to the top: the growing presidential abuse of power and the toxic political atmosphere in Washington. In Two Presidents Are Better Than One, David Orentlicher shows how the “imperial presidency” and partisan conflict are largely the result of a deeper problem—the Constitution’s placement of a single president atop the executive branch. Accordingly, writes Orentlicher, we can fix our broken political system by replacing the one person, one-party presidency with a two-person, two-party executive branch. Orentlicher contends that our founding fathers did not anticipate the extent to which their checks and balances would fail to contain executive power and partisan discord. They also did not foresee how the imperial presidency would aggravate partisan conflict. As the stakes in presidential elections have grown ever higher since the New Deal, battles to capture the White House have greatly exacerbated partisan differences. Had the framers been able to predict the future, Orentlicher argues, they would have been far less enamored with the idea of a single leader at the head of the executive branch and far more receptive to the alternative proposals for a plural executive that they rejected. Like their counterparts in Europe, they might well have created an executive branch in which power is shared among multiple persons from multiple political parties. Analyzing the histories of other countries with a plural executive branch and past examples of bipartisan cooperation within Congress, Orentlicher shows us why and how to implement a two-person, two-party presidency. Ultimately, Two Presidents Are Better Than One demonstrates why we need constitutional reform to rebalance power between the executive and legislative branches and contain partisan conflict in Washington.

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The acceleration of economic globalization and the rapidglobal flows of people, culture, and information have intensified theimportance of developing transnational understandings of contemporary issues.Transnational feminist perspectives have provided a unique outlook on women’slives and have deepened our understanding of the gendered nature of globalprocesses. Transnational Feminism in theUnited States examines how transnational perspectives shape the ways inwhich we create and disseminate knowledge about the world within the UnitedStates, and how the paradigm of transnational feminism is affected by nationalnarratives and public discourses within the country itself. An innovative theoreticalproject that is both deconstructive and constructive, this bookinterrogates the limits of feministthought, primarily through casestudies that illustrate its power to create new fields of research out oftraditionally interdisciplinary lines of inquiry. Leela Fernandes discussesways to approach, analyze, and capture processes that exceed and unsettle thenation-state within the transnational feminist paradigm. Examining the linksbetween power and knowledge that bind interdisciplinary theory and research, she shines new light on issues suchas human rights as well as academic debates about transnational feministperspectives on global issues. A thought-provoking analysis, Transnational Feminism in the United States powerfullycontributes to the field of Women’sStudies and related cross-disciplinary scholarship on feminist theory andgender from a global perspective.

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In 1966, Paul Baran and Paul Sweezy published Monopoly Capital,a monumental work of economic theory and social criticismthat sought to reveal the basic nature of the capitalism of theirtime. Their theory, and its continuing elaboration by Sweezy, HarryMagdoff, and others in Monthly Review magazine, infl uenced generationsof radical and heterodox economists. They recognizedthat Marx’s work was unfi nished and itself historically conditioned,and that any attempt to understand capitalism as an evolvingphenomenon needed to take changing conditions into account.Having observed the rise of giant monopolistic (or oligopolistic)fi rms in the twentieth century, they put monopoly capital at thecenter of their analysis, arguing that the rising surplus such fi rmsaccumulated—as a result of their pricing power, massive salesefforts, and other factors—could not be profi tably invested backinto the economy. Absent any “epoch making innovations” like theautomobile or vast new increases in military spending, the resultwas a general trend toward economic stagnation—a condition thatpersists, and is increasingly apparent, to this day. Their analysiswas also extended to issues of imperialism, or “accumulation ona world scale,” overlapping with the path-breaking work of SamirAmin in particular. John Bellamy Foster is a leading exponent of this theoretical perspectivetoday, continuing in the tradition of Baran and Sweezy’sMonopoly Capital. This new edition of his essential work, TheTheory of Monopoly Capitalism, is a clear and accessible explicationof this outlook, brought up to the present, and incorporatingan analysis of recently discovered “lost” chapters from MonopolyCapital and correspondence between Baran and Sweezy. It alsodiscusses Magdoff and Sweezy’s analysis of the fi nancializationof the economy in the 1970s, ‘80s, and ‘90s, leading up to theGreat Financial Crisis of the opening decade of this century. Fosterpresents and develops the main arguments of monopoly capitaltheory, examining its key exponents, and addressing its critics in away that is thoughtful but rigorous, suspicious of dogma but adamantthat the deep-seated problems of today’s monopoly-fi nancecapitalism can only truly be solved in the process of overcomingthe system itself.

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