LITMIR.BIZ

A top adviser at the Joint Intelligence Task Force for Combating Terrorism argues that winning the war against Militant Islamists requires a more nuanced understanding of their ideology. His book is among the first attempts to deconstruct and marginalize al-Qaida ideology using Islamic based arguments. By clearly defining the differences between Islam, Islamist, and Military Islamist, Aboul-Enein highlights how militant Islamist ideology takes fragments of Islamic history and theology and weaves them into a narrow, pseudo-intellectual ideology to justify their violence against Muslims and non-Muslims alike. In offering a comprehensive explanation of how Militant Islamists have hijacked the Islamic religion, Aboul-Enein provides a realistic description of the militant threat, which is different and distinct from Islamist political discourse and the wider religion of Islam.

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It can be argued that the Middle East during the World War II has been regarded as that conflict’s most overlooked theater of operations. Though the threat of direct Axis invasion never materialized beyond the Egyptian Western Desert with Rommel’s Afrika Korps, this did not limit the Axis from probing the Middle East and cultivating potential collaborators and sympathizers. These actions left an indelible mark in the socio-political evolution of the modern states of the Middle East. This book explores the infusion of the political language of anti-Semitism, nationalism, fascism, and Marxism that were among the ideological byproducts of Axis and Allied intervention in the Arab world. The status of British-dominated Middle East was tailor-made for exploitation by Axis intelligence and propaganda. German and Italian intelligence efforts fueled anti-British resentments; their influence shaped the course of Arab nationalist sentiments throughout the Middle East. A relevant parallel to the pan-Arab cause was Hitler’s attempt to bring ethnic Germans into the fold of a greater German state. In theory, as the Sudeten German stood on par with the Carpathian German, so too, according to doctrinal theory, did the Yemeni stand in union with the Syrian in the imagination of those espousing pan-Arabism. As historic evidence demonstrates, this very commonality proved to be a major factor in the development of relations between Arab and Fascist leaders. The Arab nationalist movement amounted to nothing more than a shapeless, fragmented, counter position to British imperialism, imported to the Arab East via Berlin for Nazi aspirations.

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This is a unique collection of essays highlighting Iraq’s social, political and military history from a purely Iraqi perspective. Dr. Ali al-Wardi (1913-1995) attended the American University of Beirut in 1943 and then traveled to the United States to attain his Masters and Doctorate degrees in Sociology at the University of Texas in 1948 and 1950 respectively. He would return to Iraq and spend a career teaching, however his main legacy is a multi-volume work in Arabic that began to be published in late 1951 and ended in the early 1970s with his eighth book. It is a two decade work that highlights the history of Iraq from the arrival of the Ottomans to the monarchy of King Feisal I in 1925. Wardi’s volumes are read by a wide variety of Iraqi society, and this volume is an introduction to this pivotal Arabic work to English readers. It brings alive how the Ottomans, British and Safavid Persians dealt with sectarianism in Iraq and the battles fought over key areas of Iraq. It is required reading for those with an interest in or who are deploying to Iraq. Wardi's work also discusses the dynamics of the 1920 Revolt, a year long insurgency against the British that was only satisified when London engineered a political solution to its advantage. That solution became the imposition of a monarchy under King Feisal of Iraq, who was not Iraqi. The monarchy would topple in 1958 and see the rise of Baathism.

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