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the match.

      “I have a sovereign on this,” he remarked, glancing at his card.

      “Which have you backed?” Norgate enquired.

      “The Lancers.”

      “Well, it’s any odds on the Hussars, so you’ve lost your money,” Norgate told him.

      Hebblethwaite sighed resignedly. “Well,” he said, “the question you submit is a problem which has presented itself to us once or twice, although I may tell you that there isn’t a soul in the Cabinet except one who believes in the chance of war. We are not a fire-eating lot, you know. We are all for peace, and we believe we are going to have it. However, to answer your questions more closely, our obligations depend entirely upon the provocation giving cause for the war. If France and Russia provoked it in any way, we should remain neutral. If it were a war of sheer aggression from Germany against France, we might to a certain extent intervene. There is not one of us, however, who believes for a single moment that Germany would enter upon such a war.”

      “When you admit that we might to a certain extent intervene,” Norgate said, “exactly how should we do it, I wonder? We are not in a particular state of readiness to declare war upon anybody or anything, are we?” he added, as they turned around and strolled once more towards the polo ground.

      “We have had no money to waste upon senseless armaments,” Mr. Hebblethwaite declared severely, “and if you watch the social measures which we have passed during the last two years, you will see that every penny we could spare has been necessary in order to get them into working order. It is our contention that an army is absolutely unnecessary and would simply have the effect of provoking military reprisals. If we, by any chance in the future, were drawn into war, our navy would be at the service of our allies. What more could any country ask than to have assured for them the absolute control of the sea?”

      “That’s all very well,” Norgate assented. “It might be our fair share on paper, and yet it might not be enough. What about our navy if Antwerp, Ostend, Dunkirk, Calais, Boulogne, and Havre were all German ports, as they certainly would be in an unassisted conflict between the French and the Germans?”

      They were within hearing now of the music of the band. Hebblethwaite quickened his pace a little impatiently.

      “Look here,” he protested, “I came down here for a holiday, I tell you frankly that I believe in the possibility of war just as much as I believe in the possibility of an earthquake. My own personal feeling is that it is just as necessary to make preparations against one as the other. There you are, my German spy, that’s all I have to say to you. Here are your friends. I must pay my respects to the Prince, and I should like to meet your charming companion.”

      Anna detached herself from a little group of men at their approach, and Norgate at once introduced his friend.

      “I have only been able to induce Mr. Hebblethwaite to talk to me for the last ten minutes,” he declared, “by promising to present him to you.”

      “A ceremony which we will take for granted,” she suggested, holding out her fingers. “Each time I have come to London, Mr. Hebblethwaite, I have hoped that I might have this good fortune. You interest us so much on the Continent.”

      Mr. Hebblethwaite bowed and looked as though he would have liked the interest to have been a little more personal.

      “You see,” Anna explained, as she stood between the two men, “both Austria and Germany, the two countries where I spend most of my time, are almost military ridden. Our great statesmen, or the men who stand behind them, are all soldiers. You represent something wholly different. Your nation is as great and as prosperous as ours, and yet you are a pacifist, are you not, Mr. Hebblethwaite? You scorn any preparations for war. You do not believe in it. You give back the money that we should spend in military or naval preparations to the people, for their betterment. It is very wonderful.”

      “We act according to our convictions,” Mr. Hebblethwaite pronounced. “It is our earnest hope that we have risen sufficiently in the scale of civilisation to be able to devote our millions to more moral objects than the massing of armaments.”

      “And you have no fears?” she persisted earnestly. “You honestly believe that you are justified in letting the fighting spirit of your people lie dormant?”

      “I honestly believe it, Baroness,” Mr. Hebblethwaite replied. “Life is a battle for all of them, but the fighting which we recognise is the fight for moral and commercial supremacy, the lifting of the people by education and strenuous effort to a higher plane of prosperity.”

      “Of course,” Anna murmured, “what you say sounds frightfully convincing. History only will tell us whether you are in the right.”

      “My thirst,” Mr. Hebblethwaite observed, glancing towards the little tables set out under the trees, “suggests tea and strawberries.”

      “If some one hadn’t offered me tea in a moment or two,” Anna declared, “I should have gone back to the Prince, with whom I must confess I was very bored. Shall we discuss politics or talk nonsense?”

      “Talk nonsense,” Mr. Hebblethwaite decided. “This is my holiday. My brain has stopped working. I can think of nothing beyond tea and strawberries. We will take that table under the elm trees, and you shall tell us all about Vienna.”

      CHAPTER XXI

       Table of Contents

      Norgate, after leaving Anna at her hotel, drove on to the club, where he arrived a few minutes before seven. Selingman was there with Prince Edward, and half a dozen others. Selingman, who happened not to be playing, came over at once and sat by his side on the broad fender.

      “You are late, my young friend,” he remarked.

      “My new career,” Norgate replied, “makes demands upon me. I can no longer spend the whole afternoon playing bridge. I have been attending to business.”

      “It is very good,” Selingman declared amiably. “That is the way I like to hear you talk. To amuse oneself is good, but to work is better still. Have you, by chance, any report to make?”

      “I have had a long conversation with Mr. Hebblethwaite at Ranelagh this afternoon,” Norgate announced.

      There was a sudden change in Selingman’s expression, a glint of eagerness in his eyes.

      “With Hebblethwaite! You have begun well. He is the man above all others of whose views we wish to feel absolutely certain. We know that he is a strong man and a pacifist, but a pacifist to what extent? That is what we wish to be clear about. Now tell me, you spoke to him seriously?”

      “Very seriously, indeed,” Norgate assented. “The subject suggested itself naturally, and I contrived to get him to discuss the possibilities of a European war. I posed rather as a pessimist, but he simply jeered at me. He assured me that an earthquake was more probable. I pressed him on the subject of the entente. He spoke of it as a thing of romance and sentiment, having no place in any possible development of the international situation. I put hypothetical cases of a European war before him, but he only scoffed at me. On one point only was he absolutely and entirely firm—under no circumstances whatever would the present Cabinet declare war upon anybody. If the nation found itself face to face with a crisis, the Government would simply choose the most dignified and advantageous solution which embraced peace. In short, there is one thing which you may count upon as absolutely certain. If England goes to war at any time within the next four years, it will be under some other government.”

      Selingman was vastly interested. He had drawn very close to Norgate, his pudgy hands stretched out upon his knees. He dropped his voice so that it was audible only a few feet away.

      “Let me put an extreme case,” he suggested. “Supposing Russia and Germany were at war, and France, as Russia’s ally, were compelled

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