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or at any rate without possessing any degree of familiarity with them. Schleicher was not blind to the danger of this. A short time before his death he brought out an Indogermanische Chrestomathie (Weimar, 1869), and in the preface he justifies his book by saying that “it is of great value, besides learning the grammar, to be acquainted, however slightly, with the languages themselves. For a comparative grammar of related languages lays stress on what is common to a language and its sisters; consequently, the languages may appear more alike than they are in reality, and their idiosyncrasies may be thrown into the shade. Linguistic specimens form, therefore, an indispensable supplement to comparative grammar.” Other and even more weighty reasons might have been adduced, for grammar is after all only one side of a language, and it is certainly the best plan, if one wants to understand and appreciate the position of any language, to start with some connected texts of tolerable length, and only afterwards to see how its forms are related to and may be explained by those of other languages.

      Though the mechanical school of linguists, with whom historical and comparative phonology was more and more an end in itself, prevailed to a great extent, the trend of a few linguists was different. Among these one must especially mention Heymann Steinthal, who drew his inspiration from Humboldt and devoted numerous works to the psychology of language. Unfortunately, Steinthal was greatly inferior to Schleicher in clearness and consistency of thought: “When I read a work of Steinthal’s, and even many parts of Humboldt, I feel as if walking through shifting clouds,” Max Müller remarks, with good reason, in a letter (Life, i. 256). This obscurity, in connexion with the remoteness of Steinthal’s studies, which ranged from Chinese to the language of the Mande negroes, but paid little regard to European languages, prevented him from exerting any powerful influence on the linguistic thought of his generation, except perhaps through his emphatic assertion of the truth that language can only be understood and explained by means of psychology: his explanation of syntactic attraction paved the way for much in Paul’s Prinzipien.

      

      The leading exponent of general linguistics after the death of Schleicher was the American William Dwight Whitney, whose books, Language and the Study of Language (first ed. 1867) and its replica, The Life and Growth of Language (1875), were translated into several languages and were hardly less popular than those of his antagonist, Max Müller. Whitney’s style is less brilliant than Max Müller’s, and he scorns the cheap triumphs which the latter gains by the multiplication of interesting illustrations; he never wearies of running down Müller’s paradoxes and inconsistencies,[14] from which he himself was spared by his greater general solidity and sobriety of thought. The chief point of divergence between them was, as already indicated, that Whitney looked upon language as a human institution that has grown slowly out of the necessity for mutual understanding; he was opposed to all kinds of mysticism, and words to him were conventional signs—not, of course, that he held that there ever was a gathering of people that settled the meaning of each word, but in the sense of “resting on a mutual understanding or a community of habit,” no matter how brought about. But in spite of all differences between the two they are in many respects alike, when viewed from the coign of vantage of the twentieth century: both give expression to the best that had been attained by fifty or sixty years of painstaking activity to elucidate the mysteries of speech, and especially of Aryan words and forms, and neither of them was deeply original enough to see through many of the fallacies of the young science. Consequently, their views on the structure of Proto-Aryan, on roots and their rôle, on the building-up and decay of the form-system, are essentially the same as those of their contemporaries, and many of their theories have now crumbled away, including much of what they probably thought firmly rooted for all time.

       END OF NINETEENTH CENTURY

       Table of Contents

      § 1. Achievements about 1870. § 2. New Discoveries. § 3. Phonetic Laws and Analogy. § 4. General Tendencies.

      IV.—§ 1. Achievements about 1870.

      In works of this period one frequently meets with expressions of pride and joy in the wonderful results that had been achieved in comparative linguistics in the course of a few decades. Thus Max Müller writes: “All this becomes clear and intelligible by the light of Comparative Grammar; anomalies vanish, exceptions prove the rule, and we perceive more plainly every day how in language, as elsewhere, the conflict between the freedom claimed by each individual and the resistance offered by the community at large establishes in the end a reign of law most wonderful, yet perfectly rational and intelligible”; and again: “There is nothing accidental, nothing irregular, nothing without a purpose and meaning in any part of Greek or Latin grammar. No one who has once discovered this hidden life of language, no one who has once found out that what seemed to be merely anomalous and whimsical in language is but, as it were, a petrification of thought, of deep, curious, poetical, philosophical thought, will ever rest again till he has descended as far as he can descend into the ancient shafts of human speech,” etc. (Ch 41 f.). Whitney says: “The difference between the old haphazard style of etymologizing and the modern scientific method lies in this: that the latter, while allowing everything to be theoretically possible, accepts nothing as actual which is not proved by sufficient evidence; it brings to bear upon each individual case a wide circle of related facts; it imposes upon the student the necessity of extended comparison and cautious deduction; it makes him careful to inform himself as thoroughly as circumstances allow respecting the history of every word he deals with” (L 386). And Benfey, in his Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaft (1869, see pp. 562 f. and 596), arrives at the conclusion that the investigation of Aryan languages has already attained a very great degree of certainty, and that the reconstruction of Primitive Aryan, both in grammar and vocabulary, must be considered as in the main settled in such a way that only some details are still doubtful; thus, it is certain that the first person singular ended in -mi, and that this is a phonetic reduction of the pronoun ma, and that the word for ‘horse’ was akva. This feeling of pride is certainly in a great measure justified if we compare the achievements of linguistic science at that date with the etymologies of the eighteenth century; it must also be acknowledged that 90 per cent. of the etymologies in the best-known Aryan languages which must be recognized as established beyond any reasonable doubt had already been discovered before 1870, while later investigations have only added a small number that may be considered firmly established, together with a great many more or less doubtful collocations. But, on the other hand, in the light of later research, we can now see that much of what was then considered firm as a rock did not deserve the implicit trust then placed in it.

      IV.—§ 2. New Discoveries.

      This is true in the first place with regard to the phonetic structure ascribed to Proto-Aryan. A series of brilliant discoveries made about the year 1880 profoundly modified the views of scholars about the consonantal and still more about the vocalic system of our family of languages. This is particularly true of the so-called palatal law.[15] So long as it was taken for granted that Sanskrit had in all essential points preserved the ancient sound system, while Greek and the other languages represented younger stages, no one could explain why Sanskrit in some cases had the palatals c and j (sounds approximately like the initial sounds of E. chicken and joy) where the other languages have the velar sounds k and g. It was now recognized that so far from the distribution of the two classes of sounds in Sanskrit being arbitrary, it followed strict rules, though these were not to be seen from Sanskrit itself. Where Sanskrit a following the consonant corresponded to Greek or Latin o, Sanskrit had velar k or g; where, on the other hand, it corresponded to Greek or Latin e, Sanskrit had palatal c or j. Thus we have, for instance, c in Sansk. ca, ‘and’ = Greek te, Lat. que, but k in kakša = Lat. coxa; the difference between the two consonants in a perfect like cakara, ‘have done,’ is dependent on the same vowel alternation as that of Greek léloipa; c in the verb pacati, ‘cooks,’ as against k in the substantive pakas, ‘cooking,’

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