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research is Wilhelm v. Steinitz Fraenzer, ed., Jacob Grimm zur 100. Wiederkehr seines Todestages. Festschrift. (Berlin, Akademischer Verlag, 1968). For a treatment of The Grimm Brothers’ literary influence in Great Britain consult Violet A. Stockley, German Literature as Known in England: 1750–1830 (London: Routledge and Sons, 1929).

      18. Hermann Gerstner, Die Brüder Grimm: Biographie mit 48 Bildern. (Gerabonn, Crailsheim, Hohenloher Verlag, 1970), pp. 203–220. For a comprehensive analysis of the relationship between the Grimms’ study of folklore and linguistics see also Carl Zuckmayer, Die Brüder Grimm: Ein deutscher Beitrag zur Humanität (Frankfurt, Suhrkamp, 1948) Zuckmayer showed that poetic and scientific theories were the strongest motivating factors in the work of the Brothers Grimm, although he did not deny some of their nationalistic inclinations and sentiments.

      19. Hans Dahmen, Die nationale Idee von Herder bis Hitler (Cologne, Hermann Schaffstein Verlag, 1934) and Julius Petersen, “Die Sehnsucht nach dem Dritten Reich in deutscher Sage und Dichtung” Dichtung und Volkstum, Vol. 35, 1 (1934) pp. 18–40. (Two parts). This line of interpretation was representative of most critics during the Nazi Regime, as it corresponded to the official Party policy. See also: Heinz Kindermann, Dichtung und Volkheit: Grundzüge einer neuen Literaturwissenschaft (Berlin, Volksverlag, 1937).

      20. Even during the time of the Romantic movement itself we may observe a movement from literature to politics. The Jena group is usually associated with the first, the Heidelberg group with the second type. See Walzel, pp. 140–144.

      21. Friedrich Ludwig Jahn indicated in his earliest Deutsches Volkstum (German Ethnicity) which appeared in 1810, that the German folk community was a reality within the German folk state. Like Arndt, however, he rejected a centralized control. See Hans Kohn, The Mind of Germany: The Education of a Nation (New York, Scribner’s, 1960), pp. 124–126. See also: Friedrich Meinecke, The German Catastrophe: Reflections and Recollections (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1950), p. 215.

      22. Georg Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology: Intellectual Origins of the Third Reich (New York, Grosset and Dunlap, 1964), p. 153.

      23. Ernst Moritz Arndt, Märchen und Jugenderinnerungen in Werke ed. by Leffson and W. Steffens, Vols. I and III (Berlin, Bony, 1913). Other references to Arndt’s fairy tales in Tismar, p. 32.

      24. Kohn, pp. 69–78, and Paul Kluckhorn, Das Ideengut der deutschen Romantik (Tübingen, Wunderlich Verlag, 1961), pp. 60–101.

      25. Mosse, pp. 14–30.

      26. Wilhelm Heinrich Riehl, Die Naturgeschichte des deutschen Volkes, ed. by Dr. Hans Naumann and Dr. Rolf Haller (Leipzig, Reclam, 1934.) See in particular the preface pointing out the “relevance” of Riehl to the Nazi ideology. Also: Julius Petersen, Die Wesensbestimmung der deutschen Romantik (Leipzig, Dürr, 1926), pp. 9–10. Petersen explains the more recent preference for Jahn, Arndt, and Goerres over German Romantic writers that were more concerned with literature and poetry per se. This preference foreshadows the selective approach of Nazism to the Romantic period and Volkish writers in general.

      27. Ferdinand Tönnies, Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft: Grundbegriffe der reinen Soziologie (Berlin, Volks-Verlag, 1926). See also: Ralf Dahrendorf, “Soziologie und Nationalsozialismus” in Andreas Flitner, ed., Deutsches Geistesleben und Nationalsozialismus. Eine Vortragsreihe der Universität Tübingen (Tübingen, Rainer Wunderlich Verlag, 1965), pp. 117–119.

      28. Friedrich Nietzsche, The Birth of Tragedy from the Spirit of Music (New York, Anchor, 1965), Introduction. Nietzsche associates here the powerful spirit of Wagner with that of Dionysus. In both he perceives an inspiration by the irrational forces of life that he considers the necessary complements to rational and aesthetic concepts.

      29. Paul de Lagarde, Deutsche Schriften (originally published in 1874) (Munich, Dürr, 1924), pp. 276–277. Alfred Rosenberg cited him in Mythos of the Twentieth Century. See Henry Hatfield, “The Myth of Nazism” in Henry Murray, ed., Myth and Mythmaking (New York, Putnam’s Sons 1960), pp. 199–239. One of the most authoritative studies on de Lagarde and his influences is Fritz Stern, The Politics of Cultural Despair (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1961). See also Mosse, pp. 31–51.

      30. Julius Langbehn, Rembrandt als Erzieher (Leipzig, Selbstverlag, 1927). (Originally, the work was published anonymously and merely bore the reference: “Von einem Deutschen” (By a German).

      31. In a Nazi-oriented analysis, Hippler excuses de Lagarde in that, unfortunately, in his time racial theories had only partially been developed. See Fritz Hippler, Staat und Gesellschaft bei Mill, Marx, Lagarde. Ein Beitrag zum soziologischen Denken der Gegenwart (Berlin, Junker und Dünnhaupt, 1937), p. 161 and p. 230.

      32. Bartels was a student of Professor Sauer who taught a “Volkish approach” to literature in Prague. Nadler, in turn, was Bartels’ student. See Josef Nadler, Literaturgeschichte des deutschen Volkes: Dichtung der deutschen Stämme und Landschaften (Berlin, Junker und Dünnhaupt, 1941).

      33. On behalf of Jahn’s and Arndt’s concept of the individual consult Kohn, p. 215, and also: Wolfgang Emmerich, Zur Kritik der Volkstumsideologie (Frankfurt, Suhrkamp, 1961), pp. 24–26. According to de Lagarde himself, the German character was distinguished by his originality and his quest for independence and solitude. See de Lagarde, p. 278. It should be noted, however, that the Romantic and “Volkish” writers did recognize the individual’s “organic links” with ethnic groups based on language, culture, and tradition.

      34. See Horst Geissler, Dekadenz und Heroismus. Zeitroman und nationalsozialistische Literaturkritik (Stuttgart, Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1964), p. 50 and pp. 250–257.

      35. Martin Broszat, Die nationalsozialistische Weltanschauung: Programm und Wirklichkeit (Series: Schriftenreihe der niedersächsischen Landeszentrale für politische Bildung. Heft No. 8) (Stuttgart, Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1960), pp. 1–5.

      36. Irene Graebsch, Geschichte des deutschen Jugendbuches (Leipzig, A. Harrassowitz, 1942), pp. 193–196. See also: Franz Schonauer, Deutsche Literatur im Dritten Reich (Freiburg im Breisgau, Walter Verlag, 1961), pp. 28–30. Schonauer made the distinction between the Aesthetic movement and the Volkish movement within the Art Education movement.

      37. Heinrich Wolgast, Das Elend unserer Jugendliteratur. Beiträge und künstlerische Erziehung unserer Jugend (Hamburg, Selbstverlag, 1950). The work was first published in 1896.

      38. “Was Wir Wollen” (Editorial) Jugendschriften-Warte I (1893), pp. 1–7.

      39. Graebsch, pp. 116–124 and Prestel, pp. 90–98.

      40. Wolgast became the Chief Editor of the Jugendschriften-Warte and was supported in his ideals and endeavors by the German Children’s Literature Association for more than a decade—until Rüttgers challenged him. Kunze, pp. 66–69.

      41. Ibid. Reprinted on pp. 80–81. The review originally appeared in 1894.

      42. Graebsch, pp. 201–220.

      43. Ibid.

      44. Clara Zetkin, SPD Protokoll vom Parteitag der SPD 1916, Mannheim. For a documentation consult Kunze, p. 74 and p. 80.

      45. Severin Rüttgers, Deutsche Dichtung in der Volksschule (Leipzig, Dürr’sche Buchhandlung, 1914) and Erweckung des Volkes durch seine Dichtung (Leipzig, Dürr’sche Buchhandlung, 1919). The second work was reprinted by Dürr in 1933, after the Nazis’ seizure of power.

      46. Graebsch, pp. 195–210 and Kunze, pp. 67–70.

      47. The series Blaue Bändchen and Grüne Bändchen included not only folktales, chapbooks and regional legends, as well as Nordic Germanic myths and hero tales, but regional novels (Heimatbücher), too. Other series were inspired by Rüttgers but not edited by him, such as the Wiesbadener Volksbücher and Bunte Jugendbücher. See also Georg Lukácz, Die Zerstörung der Vernunft Berlin, Luchterhand, 1955), pp. 551–552.

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