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the eloquent author of original studies of imperial Russian intellectuals and officials, was equally suspicious of the ability seriously to study history after the divide of 1917. George Vernadsky (1887–1973) at Yale focused primarily on early and medieval Russia, and emphasized Russia’s unique Eurasian character. Given that most archives in the Soviet Union were either closed or highly restricted to the few exchange students who ventured to Moscow or Leningrad beginning in the late 1950s, what history of the post-revolutionary period was written before the 1970s was left almost entirely to political scientists, rather than historians. Robert Vincent Daniels’s study of Communist oppositions in Soviet Russia in the 1920s, an exemplary case of historically informed political science, presented the full array of socialist alternatives imagined by the early revolutionaries and argued that the origins of Stalinist totalitarianism lay in the victory of the Leninist current within Bolshevism over the Leftist opposition, “the triumph of reality over program.” Stalin typified “practical power and the accommodation to circumstances” that won out over “the original revolutionary objectives,” which proved “to be chimerical.”122

      Russian studies in the United States ranged from more liberal, or what might be called “détentist,” views of the USSR to fervently anti-Communist interpretations that criticized mainstream Sovietology from the Right. With Karpovich’s retirement from the Harvard chair, the leading candidates were two of his students, Martin Malia (1924–2004) and Richard Pipes (b. 1923), who in the next generation would become, along with Robert Conquest (1917–2015) of the Hoover Institution, the leading representatives of conservative views in the profession. Harvard gave the nod to Pipes, whose first major work was an encyclopedic study of the non-Russian peoples during the revolution and civil war that portrayed the Bolshevik revolution and the Soviet state as a fundamentally imperial arrangement, a colonial relationship between Russia and the borderlands.123 Using the activities and proclamations of nationalist leaders or writers as indicators of the attitudes of whole peoples, he played down the widespread support for socialist programs, particularly in the early years of the revolution and Civil War, and touted the authenticity and legitimacy of the nationalists’ formulations in contrast to the artificiality of the Communists’ claims.

      Robert Conquest, born in the year of the revolution, was a poet, novelist, political scientist, and historian. Educated at Oxford, he joined the British Communist Party in 1937 but left the party after the Nazi–Soviet Pact. While serving in the Information and Research Department (IRD) of the Foreign Office (1948 to 1956), a department known to the Soviets but kept secret from the Western public, he promoted and produced “research precisely into the areas of fact then denied, or lied about by Sovietophiles.”124 Even George Orwell supplied the IRD with “a list of people he knew whose attitudes to Stalinism he distrusted,” among them E. H. Carr and Charlie Chaplin.125 In the late 1960s, Conquest edited seven volumes of material from IRD on Soviet politics, without acknowledgement that the books’ source was a secret government agency or that the publisher, Frederick A. Praeger, was subsidized by the CIA. His first major book of scholarship (he was already known for his poetry and science fiction) was a carefully detailed study of the political power struggle from the late Stalin years to Khrushchev’s triumph.126 But far more influential was his mammoth study of the Stalin terror in 1968, which, like Alexander Solzhenitsyn’s Gulag Archipelago some years later, stunned its readers with gruesome details of the mass killings, torture, imprisonment, and exiling of millions of innocent victims.127 No elaborate theories for the purges were advanced, only the simple argument that “Stalin’s personal drives were the motive force of the Purge.”

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