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Anarchism and Workers' Self-Management in Revolutionary Spain. Frank Mintz
Читать онлайн.Название Anarchism and Workers' Self-Management in Revolutionary Spain
Год выпуска 0
isbn 9781849350792
Автор произведения Frank Mintz
Издательство Ingram
Following a short debate and clarification of a number of related points, a vote was taken and the contents of said document were unanimously and unreservedly endorsed by acclamation on every count. At the same time it was resolved that once collectivisation came into force the aforesaid employers’ associations would automatically be disbanded, their members becoming, ipso facto, members of the Barcelona and Outskirts Barbers’ Sindicato Único, enjoying all of the rights and obligation pertaining thereto.
On 14 September, collectivisation of that industry was formally enacted into law, with the employers’ assets and those of their Accident Fund transferring to the collective.
From the preceding list of events, we may deduce that, alongside the UGT,93 the CNT seized the nerve centers of the Barcelona economy, as borne out by the decisions taken by the Regional Committee. So what was the political impact?
Let us take a look at statements emanating from the UGT, the CNT94 and from the Generalitat. Companys was asked by the News Chronicle:
Just supposing that the Catalan people were to champion anarcho-syndicalism. Would the Government of Catalonia go along with that?
That is not how I see things. The democratic bourgeoisie, free of any interest in finance capitalism, has no right to override the will of the people. Should that happen, the bourgeoisie would be obliged to go along with it.95
As for the CNT, on Sunday 9 August 1936, there was a huge anarchist rally held in Barcelona, involving Vázquez, Montseny and García Oliver, at which the official line of the anarchist ‘notables’ was made public.
Given the abandonment of many of the industries vital for the economic reconstruction of the revolution we are compelled to go further than we had intended. Let us take on the responsibility, discarded without any thought of extracting the least advantage from it.96
To put this another way: Gentlemen of the bourgeoisie, if there is libertarian communism, it is the doing of the rank and file, but we, the leadership of the CNT, are doing our damnedest to apply the brakes to it.
On the international scene, we face the threat of foreign intervention […] Let us offer them no excuse, however […] When the consuls came calling upon us, we swiftly marked out foreign-owned firms so as to preclude anyone’s tampering with them. And when such has been the desire, we have even posted our own sentries to ensure respect for such foreign interests.97
In other words, we are the multinationals’ trustworthy brakes and firewall against the working class.
I call upon the entire proletariat to remain at its post in production and to shirk no sacrifice. We have to bear it especially in mind that our brethren on the front place no limits upon their sacrifices.98
This is not the time to go around calling for the forty-hour week or 15 percent pay rises.99
That is, discipline and obedience, enforced by a faker who, in the same breath, can speak of the militians on the front-line and of the capitalists they faced. Small wonder that Peiró, the erstwhile treintista, was to opine:
It is right and proper to take the measure of comrade García Oliver’s integrity in facing up to present and future reality. We may be sure that lots of those who heard that comrade’s address at Sunday’s rally will not forgive him for his honesty in stating that at the present time—and in the near future, we might add—there can be no thought of the thirty-six-hour week, nor of the forty-hour week.100
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