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our cargo has increased 700 percent since the early 1980’s and in the next 20 years—the two ports right now are putting through about 10 million containers, imports and exports. By the year 2020, we expect that number to rise to 24 million—from 10 million to 24 million. We are not, by any means, done with our development between the two ports. We have additional landfills consolidations and dredging projects in order to allow the larger ships to come in.

      Congresswoman Millender-McDonald: Uh-huh, absolutely. That is why it is so critically important that we make sure that the air, the quality of the environment is conducive to your continuing that, because we are looking forward to that, as we talk about international trade and other entities that will help us in our economic vitality.51

      This exchange occurred in April 2001 during a congressional hearing on governmental reform. The interaction between Congresswoman Milliner-McDonald and Mr. Keller was particularly poignant because she had played a key role in supporting the Alameda Corridor project during the 1980s. More important, her comments indicated a specific political strategy that enabled future growth if port officials and private business interests paid attention to and mitigated negative environmental outcomes. This was not an antidevelopment intervention. In fact, it created a new path by linking effective environmental mitigation with progrowth policies. The result was a type of green development politics that adopted a pro-environment discourse while seeking technical solutions to possible negative effects. The underlying strategy hinted at by the congresswoman would shape how SMOs contested the unfettered expansion of the logistics regime.

      Port leaders needed a green growth strategy because they were liable for environmental and health damages caused by the logistics industry. While the logistics regime touted tremendous trade growth as a positive outcome for the region, such rapid expansion also raised flags about the capacity to absorb the onslaught of new commodity shipments. The 700 percent increase in cargo mentioned by Larry Keller was an astonishing amount, because such vast quantities placed new burdens on the region’s environment. Consider the amount of space required to move ten million twenty-foot containers in the early 2000s. Volume created a spatial problem. Where did they intend to put all the stuff that was being imported, and how were they going to minimize environmental health damage in a densely populated urban area? At the time, most of the vehicles used to move those containers operated on diesel fuel, a deadly and cancer-causing toxin. By 2008 approximately thirty-seven hundred Californians were dying from cancer caused by exposure to logistics-related diesel emissions.52 Many more, eighteen thousand, died annually from exposure to ambient levels of diesel particulate matter. SMO activists used these diesel-related deaths as a counternarrative to push back against the logistics growth regime. Environmental justice activists argued that port expansion was disproportionately affecting parts of the region with high concentrations of poor, Black, and Latinx residents.53

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