Silk, Slaves, and Stupas - Susan Whitfield

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Jackson-Tal (2004: 19).

      29. Jackson-Tal (2004: 19n22, 22–23 for a list).

      30. Jackson-Tal (2004: 17, 27).

      31. Henderson (2013: 207), quoting from Petronius’s Satyricon.

      32. Jackson-Tal (2004: 27).

      33. Henderson (2013: 212). There was an additional major development in the next century in glass production, the invention of glassblowing.

      34. Henderson (2013a). For his introduction to the various techniques, see 8–23.

      35. Fan and Zhou (1991).

      36. Henderson (1995: 62).

      37. For a simple introduction, see Hirst (2017).

      38. Henderson (2013: 238–40).

      39. See Henderson (2013: 240, 326–34) for the importance of the environmental approach in isotopic analysis.

      40. A. Oikonomou et al. (2016).

      41. Kenoyer (1998: 176)—although the finds are very weathered and there has been discussion about whether they are glass.

      42. Brill (1999, XIII 335, sample 443).

      43. “From Mali to Bali,” in the words of Peter Francis. See M. Wood (2016) for an update on Francis’s conclusions about trade to Africa.

      44. Francis (2002: 41).

      45. Lankton and Dussubieux (2006). See Borell (2011) for the argument about the Southwest China production site.

      46. Gan (2009b: 56–57) and Wang Bo and Lu (2009). Faience is also found further east from around the same period, and since there is no evidence of faience production in this region and the find-site this also suggests that they came by land routes from regions further west (Brill 1995: 270). Soda-lime glass eye beads have been discovered in the Xu Jialing Tomb, Xichuan County, Henan Province, in central China. For images and analysis, see Gan, Cheng, et al. (2009).

      47. Li Qinghui et al. (2009: 343); Q. Li et al. (2014).

      48. Paynter (2009).

      49. Kerr, Needham, and Wood (2004: 464) note the “puzzling example” of a high-potassium glaze found on a Chinese vessel from the second or first century BC and point out the affinity with high-potassium glassmaking in South and Southeast Asia, the latter including South China.

      50. Kerr, Needham, and Wood (2004: 59–60).

      51. West FitzHugh and Zycherman (1992). A fourth-century textual source records the probably much older legend of the goddess Nuwa, who “smelted stones of all five colours to patch up the flaws” in the sky when it had been damaged by the collapse of a supporting pillar. This is often cited as a reference to an earlier glassmaking tradition. The “five” or various colors becomes a common motif for glass; see Shen Hsueh-man (2002).

      52. Gan (2009a: 8).

      53. Easthaugh et al. (2007: 36).

      54. Brill, Tong, and Dohrenwend (1991: 34).

      55. The preference in Chinese culture for hot drinks—in terms of both temperature and their effect upon the body—is well evidenced from a later period, although is not clear in this early period. A thousand years later, Islamic glass was praised by the Chinese for being able to contain hot liquids (Shen Hsueh-man 2002).

      56. Gan (2009a: 20).

      57. Gan (2009a: 21).

      58. “The discovery of the materials, processes, and structures that comprise technology almost always arose out of aesthetic curiosity, out of the desire for decorative objects and not, as the popular phrase would have it, out of preconceived necessity” (Smith 1981: 347).

      59. Smith (1981: 347).

      60. For example, at Ban Don Ta Phet (Reade 2013; Glover 2004: 75).

      61. For a discussion of the role of jade in Chinese culture, see chapter 1. Also see Rawson (2002).

      62. This trade might have started by the end of the second millennium BC, since jades from the tomb of Fu Hao (ca. 1200 BC) have been identified by some as from Khotan (Di Cosmo 1996: 90). However, see chapter 1 for doubts expressed by some scholars on Khotan as an early source.

      63. For example, a bead necklace unearthed in Suzhou (Gan 2009a: 3, photo 1.2). Shen Hsueh-man has pointed out, however, that this does not mean that the glass bi was considered a cheaper alternative. As she notes, glass was probably as difficult to work as jade, and making a traditional shape in this material might add to its value (pers. comm., January 16, 2016).

      64. “The Art of Feeling Jade,” Gemmologist, July 1962, 131–33.

      65. Shen Hsueh-man (2002: 72–73). See chapter 4 for further discussion of this.

      66. Note that liuli and boli are the modern pronunciations.

      67. For a discussion of the names used for glass, see Schafer (1963: 235–36) and Brill (1991–92).

      68. Braghin (2002: xi). This became one of the seven treasures of Buddhism. However, Francis asserts that “China was one of the great glass beadmaking and trading nations of the world” (2002: 54).

      69. Quoted by Kinoshita (2009: 255)—he suggests the merchant was from Kushan, but this was probably post-Kushan.

      70. Quoted by Kinoshita (2009: 256).

      71. For example, Lullo argues that glass replicas prepared for tomb objects held more value than other substitutes, partly because of their association with “foreign exotica” (2004: 17, 22). See also chapter 5 for a discussion of “exotica” in tombs.

      72. Brindley (2015). (The name Vietnam is a transposition of this—Yue nan.)

      73. Lin (2012: 233–44).

      74. Nickel (2012: 105).

      75. Eleven tombs out of the approximately two thousand excavated.

      76. The broad dating of the tombs near Hepu and Guixian to the Han period, i.e., 206 BC–AD 220, does not help in the identification of the glass bowls as either late Hellenistic or early Roman. However, fragments of a bowl made of ribbed mosaic glass from the same region are in a tomb dated to AD 67, and, as Borell (2011: 61) points out, its pattern seems to be emulating a stone—murrhine—that Pliny mentions as being introduced from Parthia in the first century BC. Such bowls were produced in the eastern Mediterranean and exported widely throughout the Roman Empire (27 BC–AD 1453).

      77. Analysis has shown it to be natron-based soda-lime glass (Borell 2010: 128).

      78. Borell (2011: 59).

      79. “A great amount of evidence testifies to the lively trade relations in the Gulf and the Arabian Sea in the late third millennium. It was both direct and transit trade. The main stations were the Sumerian ports in Southern Mesopotamia, then Dilmun, Makan, and Meluḫḫa, or with modern names, Bahrain, Oman with Eastern Iran and the ports of the Harappan civilization” (Karttunen 1989: 330).

      80. For an introduction to ships from this time, see McGrail (2001).

      81. Thiel (1966); Salles (1996).

      82. The chronology of Arikamedu is based on that proposed by Begely (1983), which, as Salles (1996: 262–63) points out, suggests direct or indirect contact between the Hellenistic world and Southeast India by the second century BC.

      83. Bellina (1997); Bellina and Glover (2004). Southeast Asia has a long history of maritime activity, but there is more sustained evidence from the second half of the first millennium BC.

      84. Francis (2002: 27–30).

      85. Borell (2010: 136–37).

      86. Ting (2006: 46). For other excavations of ships in China, see McGrail (2001: 360–78).

      87. Hanshu, trans. Needham, Wang and Lu (1971: 444)—see also Borell (2010: 136).

      88.

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