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Silk, Slaves, and Stupas. Susan Whitfield
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isbn 9780520957664
Автор произведения Susan Whitfield
Издательство Ingram
47. Li Jaang (2011).
48. She cites a scientific analysis of the many jades found in the tomb of the Yin elite woman and general Fu Hao ( Jing et al. 2007), which concludes that the jade was possibly not sourced from Khotan, as was long assumed. Khotan was reached through the Hexi corridor, passing through the proto-Zhou culture, and she suggests that such a route was not likely at the time (Li Jaang 2011: 42). For the Northern Zone, see Di Cosmo (1999: 885, 893).
49. Pohl (2002); Schopphoff (2009)—as a sign of power, rank, adulthood, spiritual status, etc. Brosseder (2011: 350, see fig. 1 for a distribution map). Also see chapter 2 for belt plaques found in Nan Yue in South China.
50. Miniaev (2016) dates this as the first to second century AD on the basis of analysis of bronzes from Dyrestuy cemetery.
51. Jacobson (1995: 25), who also groups the Yuezhi under this Scythic-Siberian culture (see chapter 2).
52. University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, B16744a/b. See A. Cohen (2010: 108, fig. 48).
53. See A. Cohen (2010: 93–101) for examples.
54. See A. Cohen (2010: 108, 93–118) for discussion of the theme.
55. See A. Cohen (2010: 110) for Montaigne. She also notes Jacobson’s argument that the direction of influence was the other way, citing the Hellenistic elements in a fourth-century winged griffin (A. Cohen 2010: 319, 160n; Jacobson 1999: 62–3).
56. A. Cohen (2010) also discusses the theme of the hunt, in tandem with the animal predation theme. See chapter 8 for further discussion. For an insightful discussion about possible diffusion of a very distinctive representation of the animal predation theme, see Nathalie Monnet’s presentation at the Symposium “Cave Temples of Dunhuang: History, Art, and Materiality,” May 20, 2016, session 2, “Dunhuang: East and West,” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RBNgfAeJy6E.
57. Pulleybank (2000a: 53). Also see A. Cohen (2010: 17–18) for a discussion of similarities in their political systems.
58. Some centuries later, the so-called foreigner’s dress of a short tunic secured with a belt over baggy trousers became a fashion statement among both men and women in China. See Shen Congwen (2012) for a history of Chinese dress.
59. Discussed in Bunker, Watt, and Sun (2002: 101) and Brosseder (2011).
60. Bunker, Watt, and Sun (2002: 101). But see comments from the Russian archaeologists of Xiongnu sites at Noin-Ula on the Xiongnu “schematization” of Scythic-Siberian animal subjects to geometric compositions (Davydova and Miniaev 2008: 22).
61. Di Cosmo (2002: 85). For images, see Brosseder (2011: 357) and Linduff (2008: 176). However, Psarras (2003: 104) has challenged this argument, suggesting the possibility of a different form of casting for the belt plaques and pointing out that the Chinese characters were added after casting.
62. On discussion of the M2 plaque and this technique, see Bunker, Watt, and Sun (2002: 20, 27–28 and figs. 42, 43) and Bunker (1988).
63. Linduff (2009: 94).
64. Bunker (1988: 29) notes that there is no evidence that the Xiongnu knew the technique of mercury gilding (also referred to as fire or chemical gilding) but that it was developed in China in the fourth century BC by alchemists seeking to make gold. It was also found to be used in Greece around the same time.
65. Proposed by Bunker (1983), and discussed further by Linduff (2009), in relation to ceramic molds for belt plaques found in tombs in Xian.
66. Of course, it is possible that the people in central China with a taste for these had steppe ancestry and that some peoples in southern China developed a taste for this “foreign” style. It can be argued that Chinese is as much a term denoting a political alliance as is Xiongnu and that it incorporates as much, if not more, diversity.
67. Di Cosmo (2002: 85). See also Di Cosmo (2013).
68. Di Cosmo (2013: 43).
69. See chapter 8 for reference to the Chinese silk.
70. Erdenebaatar et al. (2011: 311–13).
71. Possible reasons for this development are discussed in Di Cosmo (2013: 44–45). Brosseder (2011: 247–80) suggests that the cause is the split of the Northern and Southern Xiongnu in AD 49.
72. Nephrite is a dense form of actinolite or, sometimes, tremolite. The other jade mineral, jadeite, was later sourced from Southwest China and present-day Myanmar.
73. Glass was also used, possibly to emulate jade—see the belt plaques of the king of Nan Yue, chapter 2.
74. The bi is also sometimes made of glass (see chapter 2).
75. Rawson (1992: 61) points out the paucity of ritual jades listed in classical texts and found in burials, suggesting that it might not have been considered appropriate to bury them. She notes the presence in tombs of jade pendant sets, belt ornaments, and body shrouds in addition to the ritual objects.
76. It is 6 (nephrite) or 6.5 (jadeite) on the Moh scale.
77. See Wang Binghua (1993: 167).
78. The use of food terminology perhaps also reflects the importance of cuisine in the culture.
79. Bunker, Watt, and Sun (2002: 134, cat. 106).
80. Ward (2008: 304).
81. Bunker, Watt, and Sun (2002: 134, cat. 106).
82. Bunker, Watt, and Sun (2002: 133).
83. Kuehn (2011: 4).
84. Illustrated in Borovka (1928: 72C) and with a line drawing in Yetts (1926: 181).
85. Bunker, Watt, and Sun (2002: 135). She describes a similar motif used on a different piece as a “coiled feline” (25, fig. 24). Such pieces could as validly be described as representing “tigers with a dragon-like body.” We do not know how, if at all, they were labeled in their time.
86. Wang Binghua (1993: 167).
87. Jing Zhichun et al. (1997: 376–81).
88. For a Han burial suit from Nan Yue in southern China, see J. Lin (2012).
89. It has been suggested that one of the primary functions of defensive walls—from Rome to China—was to defend roads. This was the view taken by Aurel Stein (1921: 18) when he surveyed the Chinese Han walls at Dunhuang, a point noted by Psarras (2003: 63).
90. Linduff (2008: 194).
91. Sergey Miniaev (2015) argues that the steppe accouterments belonged to her attendants.
92. Rubinson (2008: 53), quoting McHugh (1999: 14).
93. She identifies some objects, such as glass in one of the graves, as “represent[ing] the exotic and the rare” and thus as reflecting the elite status of the individual (Rubinson 2008: 57).
94. A. Kessler (1993: 62). Genghis Khan: Treasures from Inner Mongolia, exhibited at the Natural History Museum of Los Angeles County (March 6–August 14, 1994). I have not been able to find any prior exhibition history.
95. The exhibition then traveled to the American Museum of Natural History, New York (September 10–November 27, 1994), the Tennessee State Museum, Nashville (December 17, 1994–March 5, 1995), the Royal British Columbia Museum, Victoria (March 25–September 10, 1995), and the Royal Alberta Museum (March 22–July 6, 1997). See A. Kessler (1993).
96. See Jacobson (1995) for a summary of the interest in and scholarship on Scythian art (20–26).
97. Bunker, Chatwin, and Farkas (1970); Piotrovsky (1973–74); P. Harper et al. (1975).
98. Reeder and Jacobson (1999); Aruz et al. (2000).
99. Some of these items had been excavated