LITMIR.BIZ

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well known is that along with elected politicians, political staff are directly tied to the government in power and if the government changes, or in some cases if the politician changes, the political staff change as well—immediately and automatically. This means that for most people, a career in politics is not an option. The exceptions are politicians who get re-elected without fail (though rarer now than it once was). Those individuals foster a base of voters who, over time, remain loyal to them no matter which way the wind blows in the larger electorate.

      Political staff employed by government are public servants. They serve the public and are paid through a government or legislative payroll. However, their roles are very different from the role of the civil servant. It’s often the toughest thing to get people to understand. The position is likely one of the most fascinating, exciting, fast-paced and powerful you will ever hold, but at the same time, it’s one of the most unstable and demanding. It can be brutal.

      When people come to me and say they want to pursue a career in politics or government, I ask them exactly what that means to them, because my response will depend on their answer to that question. In many cases, it is the desire to influence policy outcomes. In others, they have experienced politics through a campaign, often in support of a specific politician, and loved it. Many are Young Liberals who like me, joined the Liberal Party during their post-secondary education and want to spend time doing politics while they have fewer obligations and can dedicate their time to a cause they believe in. Some start as interns and become caught up in the exciting world of politics, unequaled in the outside world. Some just need a job.

      I put staff who directly serve elected politicians, generally known as political staffers, into three main groups.

      At the top, there is an elite group of staffers who turn their passion for politics—or sometimes a politician—into a successful career that may last a long period of time (years, even decades, although not necessarily consecutively). They excel at what they do. If their party is in government, and if they choose to be part of it, they generally have jobs. Often the way forward is that a high-performing person works with a high-performing leader or minister, or on a critical file, or both, and those circumstances allow a political staffer to rise above the pack. They must recognize an opportunity when it comes along and do what’s needed to ensure a political win.

      In the middle of the spectrum is the largest group—advisors who are involved for shorter terms, usually for all or part of one mandate of up to four years. They likely first volunteered because of a commitment to a specific politician or a passion for an issue, or they were recruited as a subject-matter expert or for their interest in government. Most in this group come and go relatively quickly, based on pressure from parents, spouses or others to “get a real job in the outside world” with more stability and without being ruled by the whims of the electorate.

      At the other end of the spectrum are those deemed to be “hacks.” They stay too long either because they can’t find work outside of politics or they believe it’s not an option for them. They tend to move between offices and are often attached to a single politician for a long time.

      Loyalty is an important factor and an active consideration when hiring people who work directly for politicians. It is critical for a politician to have complete confidence and trust in their staff, because staffers become the face of the politician on many levels. They manage issues, provide critical advice and interact with external stakeholders. The behind-the-scenes reality is that staffers are powerful in their own rights and have direct influence on decisions made by politicians every day.

      In cases where the person has not been exposed to partisan politics, I try to fully explain the precise role of political staff. People who go to work for politicians without understanding what is expected of them on the partisan side of ledger (attending party events with a politician, campaigning at subway stops or by-elections, writing political speeches) are often blindsided by what that means for their day-to-day roles. Some adapt quickly, some stay but resist it, and others soon realize that partisan life is not for them. Some stay in government but find their way into the civil service.

      Lesson: Understand the value you bring and be prepared to ensure others know it, too.

      Immediately after the 1985 election, I was assigned to work in the transition office and was heavily involved in staffing for new government ministers and MPPs. The location was confidential and off-site, and we worked long days in order to be ready in just a few weeks. We were given several clear mandates from Premier-Elect Peterson: first, one-third of people hired were to be from outside of the Liberal Party (stakeholders, consulting firms, subject matter experts); second, anyone who put up their hand was to be fairly considered; and finally, we were to diversify the workforce by making every effort to hire women and people from ethnocultural communities.

      As all staff from the previous opposition office were assured a job somewhere in government, it was a matter of who ended up in what role. My reputation as someone who got the job done, and my extensive political experience, differentiated me from some of the newer staff. It landed me in the Centre—the Premier’s Office—as the executive assistant to the executive director, Gordon Ashworth.

      We needed to fill close to six hundred positions, as the existing staff base was maybe sixty people. Gordon and Hershell Ezrin as principal secretary co-led the new government on the political staff side. Hershell was the first person I’d worked with who was a senior and serious guy, in command of the day to day of the government. Gordon was the experienced, hands-on organizer I dreamed of becoming. To the external world, they worked well together. Internally there was confusion around who was running the show. It was my first experience with a workplace where internal politics impacted the day-to-day effectiveness of the organization. Unfortunately it was not to be my last.

      Two years flew by quickly, as the likelihood of an election was high once the Liberal–NDP Accord came to an end. I spent most of the 1987 election driving from riding to riding checking in on local campaigns, focusing them on what was needed to ensure wins. The winds of change had taken hold and we were handed a massive majority government.

      Peterson’s office was led by men and there were few women at the senior staff table. David was a good old boy, and while he recognized the importance of creating more opportunity for women, it didn’t apply to his own office. The most senior woman in the Premier’s Office was Heather Peterson, who ran the appointment process (and some said she did not count because she was David’s sister-in-law). Leading up to 1987, Deb Nash (now Matthews) was appointed campaign co-chair. I admired both women as role models and learned as much as I could from them. But I took my direction from Gordon, Hershell and Vince, who was the executive assistant to the premier.

      Following the election of a majority government, I opted to leave the Premier’s Office to become a chief of staff to a minister. I was honoured to be assigned to Bob Wong, the first minister of Chinese-Canadian descent anywhere in Canada and one of the kindest, most capable men I have ever met. He was quite new to the game, having just been elected an MPP.

      Many were surprised I was prepared to leave the Centre. The stress on staff caused by the intense rivalry between Gordon and Hershell had taken its toll on me. After nearly four years at the Centre, I knew it was time to expand my experience and take on more responsibility—which was something not available to me at the Office of the Premier.

      In negotiating my new role, I had to fight to be paid the same as men in the same position. Gordon argued with me I was too young at thirty-one to make that much money, and that the overall salary increase was too great (going from his assistant to a chief of staff). I mustered my courage and argued with Gordon that based on our government’s commitment to “equal pay for work of equal value,” I had to be paid the same as men in the role. And in the end, I was. It was a lesson in making the decision to push through a woman’s natural tendency to “settle” rather than undergo the fight for one’s worth, regardless of age or gender.

      Lesson: Take the chance, speak up, wade in. But only if you have done your homework and are prepared to argue your position. Don’t become known as someone who speaks just to hear their own voice.

      The world had shifted, a lot. In opposition, I was part of a small but mighty group with a large challenge. In

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