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her usual involved style, and must be read over and over before it yields its full meaning. The Queen’s chief object seems to have been to make Sidney take a view favourable to Ormonde in his controversy with Desmond. Too many, she said, were partial to the latter. ‘If I did not see the balances held awry, I had never myself come into the weighhouse.’ ‘Make some difference,’ she said, ‘between tried, just, and false friends. Let the good service of well deservers be never rewarded with loss. Let their thank be such as may encourage more strivers for the like. Suffer not that Desmond’s "denyinge dedes," far wide from promised work, make you trust to other pledge than either himself or John for gage; he hath so well performed his English vows, that I warn you trust him no longer than you see one of them. Prometheus let me be, and Prometheus hath been mine too long … then are we ever knitting a knot never tied, yea, and if our web be framed with rotten hurdles, when our loom is well-nigh done, our work is new to begin… Let this memorial be only committed to Vulcan’s base keeping without any longer abode than the leisure of the reading thereof, yea, and with no mention made thereof to any other wight. I charge you as I may command you. Seem not to have had but secretaries’ letters from me.’ The letter nevertheless was kept safely at Penshurst, where Arthur Collins found it in the reign of George II.107

Arnold’s policy not successful

      Like many who have tried their hands at the Irish problem, Sir Nicholas Arnold began with great professions, and after much disturbing men’s minds showed that he was no cleverer than those who had gone before him. Great as his failure had been in dealing with Shane, Sussex had at least kept tolerable order in the districts which paid some regard to law. Arnold was accused of caring little whether there was war or peace. His harsh treatment of the O’Connors has been already noticed, and the O’Reillys were handled in much the same way. They had plundered on the border of the Pale, and Shane O’Neill, anxious to assert his power, offered to compel restitution. Arnold preferred to make Kildare the instrument of punishment. A parley was first held, and promise of restitution made by old Malachias O’Reilly and his sons, Hugh and Edmund. Cahir O’Reilly, the chief offender, was to be punished. It soon appeared that Cahir was out of reach in Shane’s country, and that some of the hostages demanded were also there. The camp was the scene of much confusion, Kildare’s men threatening and even throwing stones at Sir George Stanley, the Marshal, and raising the ominous cries of ‘Cromaboo!’ and ‘Down with the English churls!’ The Earl with difficulty pacified his men, but Arnold, who all along showed the most extraordinary subservience to Kildare, and was on the worst terms with Stanley, declined to notice the outrage.108

The O’Reillys

      A remarkable conversation took place between Arnold and Hugh O’Reilly, whom he urged to take the government of the country on himself. Hugh answered that O’Donnell was evil spoken of for assuming the government while his father lived, and that he saw not those punished who killed the Queen’s subjects. Shane O’Neill murdered his father, and procured the murder of his brother, who was five times as valuable to the Crown as any O’Reilly could be. The politicians of the Pale would maintain his half brother against him, and perhaps seek his life. If O’Neill ceased to protect Cahir, ‘then,’ said Hugh, ‘I say for O’Reilly, your prisoner, and for his eldest son, if any of them receive men or meat from O’Reilly’s country, I will die but they shall be delivered to your governor, or all their hurts past be paid for presently.’ He was quite willing to give hostages, but not to undertake to give those beyond his reach. According to Fitzwilliam Hugh meant well, and in any case the original aggressor was not Cahir O’Reilly but Kildare himself. Any damage done to the Pale had been more than paid for already. ‘Arnold,’ he said, ‘means well, but Ireland, in my opinion, though it be brute and rude, is not known to every man for a year or two’s trial.’109

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      1

      Sir John Alen to Cecil, Dec. 16, 1558; Staples to same, Dec. 16; T. Alen to same, December 18. Harris’s Dublin, chap. ii.

      2

      Ancient Laws and Institutes of Ireland, vol. iii.; Preface to Book of Aicill, p. cxlviii.; Shane O’Neill to Queen Elizabeth, Feb. 8, 1561; Campion’s History; Four Masters, 1558. Maine’s Early History of Institutions, chap. ii.

      3

      See the arguments in Carew, 1560, vol. i. p. 304.

      4

      There is an account of the interview in Hooker.

      5

      Instructions to Sussex, 1559, in Carew, pp. 279 and 284.

      6

      Mant from Loftus MS.; Ware’s Annals.

      7

      Memorial of answers by the Queen, July 16, 1559, and Instructions to Sussex, July 17, both in Carew; note of the Earl of Clanricarde’s wives and concubines now alive, Feb. 1559 (No. 18).

      8

      The list of this Parliament is in Tracts relating to Ireland, vol. ii., Appendix 2; Printed Statutes, 2 Elizabeth; Collier, vol. vi. p. 296 (ed. 1846); Ware’s Annals; Leland, book iv. chap. i.

      9

      Fitzwilliam to Sussex, March 8 and 15, 1560.

      10

      Fitzwilliam to Cecil, April 11, 1560; Advertisements out of Ireland, May (No. 15), and many other papers about this time.

      11

      Memorial by the Earl of Sussex for the Queen, May 1560 (No. 21).

      12

      See the two sets of Instructions in Carew, vol. i. May 1560, Nos. 223, 225.

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1

Sir John Alen to Cecil, Dec. 16, 1558; Staples to same, Dec. 16; T. Alen to same, December 18. Harris’s Dublin, chap. ii.

2

Ancient Laws and Institutes of Ireland, vol. iii.; Preface to Book of Aicill, p. cxlviii.; Shane O’Neill to Queen Elizabeth, Feb. 8, 1561; Campion’s History; Four Masters, 1558. Maine’s Early History of Institutions, chap. ii.

3

See the arguments in Carew, 1560, vol. i. p. 304.

4

There is an account of the interview in Hooker.

5

Instructions to Sussex, 1559, in Carew, pp. 279 and 284.

6

Mant

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