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      *We are grateful to Gordon Smith, Greg Chin, Ninghua Zhang, Andrew Cooper, Daniel Schwanen, Badye Essid and Sean Walsh for comments and discussion. We acknowledge support from the Ontario Research Fund and the Centre for International Governance Innovation (CIGI). This chapter reflects the personal views of the authors and not necessarily those of the institutions with which they are affiliated.

      ¹Something like this seems to have happened in India leading to the slowdown since the middle of the first decade of the 21st century.

      ²These promises seem to be like New Year’s Resolutions which are soon forgotten.

      ³These organisations are FAO — Food and Agriculture Organization, IFAD — International Fund for Agricultural Development, IMF — the International Monetary Fund, OECD — the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, WFP — the World Food Program, WTO — the World Trade Organization, IFPRI — the International Food Policy Research Institute, and UNHLTF — the UN High-Level Task Force.

      ⁴A claim also made by other analysts such as Wright (2011).

      ⁵However, Homi Kharas of the Brookings Institution in Washington D.C. holds the opposite view.

      ⁶This Fund will provide concessional balance of payments funding to low-income countries and grants for post-conflict reconstruction and disaster assistance.

      ⁷The US, however, refused to allow an assessment of its financial system by a joint IMF–World Bank mounted effort. Furthermore, most crises at that time had begun in developing countries so it seemed appropriate to concentrate on them.

      ⁸Dubey (2009) goes further to argue that the G20 is a further development of a process that has resulted in an erosion of the responsibilities of the UN, particularly its Economic and Social Council.

      ⁹It is difficult to see how the current G20 could evolve into such a body. The G20 finance ministers group, the precursor of the current G20 at the leaders’ level, was the result of negotiations between the US and Mr. Paul Martin the then Canadian Finance Minister (Martinez-Diaz, 2009).

      ¹⁰A similar criticism has been levelled at the Integrated Framework for Trade Related Technical Assistance. Various evaluations of the programme have noted that the concentration on merely studies with no scope for investments to deal with the identified shortcomings has been a weakness of the programme. Developing countries were very disappointed with this aspect of the programme. See evaluation by the Independent Evaluation Group of the World Bank of the Bank’s Global Programmes.

      ¹¹The G20 have asked for generous replenishment of the resources of the MDBs. But there seems to be no progress towards increasing such resources.

      ¹²Lack of administrative capacity to run many bilateral programmes has resulted in these being shifted to management by the World Bank through Trust Fund agreements. These Trust Funds have been growing rapidly and concerns have been raised about their administration and accountability as they are outside the normal World Bank channels.

      ¹³See Putnam and Bayne (1987) and Bayne (1997, 2005) for assessment of the summits based on the cooperativeness and solidarity among the leaders and the consistency, durability, acceptability and consistency of the decisions. von Furstenberg and Daniels (1991, 1992) evaluate compliance with measures. A later evaluation is in Kokotsis (1999). The full text of commitments may be found on the website, www.g8.utoronto.ca/evaluations/G8_commoitments.pdf. The methodology is discussed by Kokotsis at www.g8.utoronto.ca/evaluations/methodology/g7c2.htm. For an assessment of the different methods of evaluating summits, see Hajnal

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