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certain areas of the internet as home. As Crystal compares influencers’ activities in their old blogs to cleaning house or rearranging furniture, she vividly reminds us that for many, the internet provides a strong sense of place. In a similar vein, Andrea Baker provides a glimpse of how very early on, Rolling Stones fans created hybrid places for experiencing concerts, being with each other, and their own fandom. For the most part, the snippets of everyday life presented by the authors in this section depict a strong sense of belonging, camaraderie, and shared interest in being together and using the internet to enact and sustain significant parts of personal and familial relationships. Cathy Fowley’s piece offers a poignant pastiche of voices, hinting at meaningful conversations among women in a place that no longer exists: the Pink Place. Anette Grønning describes the seemingly mundane but powerfully connective ways the internet is woven into the ←19 | 20→ecology of the Danish families she studies. She builds on the concept of personal ecologies, where feedback is an important component of creating or identifying boundaries, albeit very interconnected ones. Priya Kumar’s piece addresses a different aspect of an ecological model for thinking about the digital contexts within which we build and maintain relationships. Building or maintaining relationships in the age of ubiquitous internet means grappling with complicated and often competing demands. While a parent might want to post many images of their children to keep family and friends apprised of their activities, this comes with a pressure of constantly sharing, shifting attention away from the self to focus on the profile of one’s child, even before birth. For her participants, various entities have different ideas about where the boundaries of self, personal life, or family life should be drawn. In this piece, readers can conclude the section wondering to what extent our personal ecologies are controllable, or at least, controlled by us, versus other stakeholders.

      Section 4, Ways of Becoming, addresses the constantly changing, transitioning and transforming aspects of being ourselves and in the world. Although not all the authors in this section use the concept of becoming directly, each addresses aspects of transformation, or how the internet is entangled in the processes, practices and performances of selfhood in flux. We start this section with Son Vivienne’s chapter on trans-being. Relying on personal experience and research with gender-diverse storytellers, Son writes of the effects that using the internet and researching other people’s internet use has had on them. Son’s chapter follows their iterative and creative self-reinvention through social media and other forms of digital self-representation, and in the process, asks if “trans-being” can be posited as a new framework that constitutes both the ‘post-gender’ and “post-digital” facets of digital living. This piece demonstrates the visceral and deeply felt disconnections and reconnections of filtering, enacting, and articulating the self, for the self and for and with others. The discussion of what experimentation might mean to the potentiality of being continues in the following piece, where Craig Hamilton and Sarah Raine describe how tools, places, and ways of being intermingle in the experience of music streaming. They extend Markham’s framework by introducing the “potential of being” involved in using and “hacking” music streaming services. As people manage the current and future impressions they give and give off of themselves as music listeners, they create experiences for their future selves. In the next piece, Maria Schreiber and Patricia Prieto-Blanco offer a deceptively straightforward case study of their own experiences of collaboration in various virtual co-working spaces. Their story offers intriguing conceptual thinking by showing how through everyday co-presence, they are actually co-becoming a new hybrid being—Maria+Patricia+internet. The process of becoming through and with socially-mediated photography of the self is poignantly discussed by artist Cristina Nuñez. In an interview with Kat and Annette, Cristina shares her path ←20 | 21→through physical, material, and digital experiences, raising important questions about the possibilities and challenges of becoming with technology. Finally, Katie Warfield uses the conceptual lenses of transgeography and feminist phenomenology to look at how young people regard their use of social media for self-presentation. She offers a series of what she calls “slippery” metaphors that help reorient our analytical gaze from people or individuals doing things, to the processes of becoming through, with, and in digital and material entanglements across and through geographies that are less about place and more about deeply contextual processes and meanings.

      Section 5, Ways of Being With, is titled in homage to the notion that being is always relational and dialogic. R.D. Laing would explain that our identity cannot be abstracted from our identity-for-others, our identity-for ourselves, the identities we attribute to others, the identities we think they attribute to us, what we think they think we think, and so on (Markham, 1998, p. 215, citing Laing, 1969, p. 86). Distinct from the focus of section 3 on ways of relating with other people, this section focuses on how we make sense of ourselves, others, and the world through/by being with machines, the digital, and information, as facilitated by the internet. You could also say the pieces we’ve collected here explore how technologies mediate self, other, and relationality. We open with Tobias Raun’s study of how Facebook is experienced as a wormhole between life and death. Based on his conversations with Camilla, a woman whose mother and sister recently passed away, the chapter follows how a deceased person’s Facebook page is a portal, enabling a sense of closeness and presence that the gravesite does not. This emotional and eerie chapter is followed by a series of photos by xtine burrough entitled Vigil for Some Bodies. Each All Hallow’s Eve since 2015, xtine has paid Mechanical Turk workers 25 cents, not to conduct digital piece work as is typical, but to light a candle in remembrance of loved ones. The topic of presence, being with, and the digital/physicality of commemoration is entangled and juxtaposed in xtine’s images in ways that raise important questions about the centrality of the internet for everyday sensemaking. Sarah Schorr and Winnie Soon take up related questions, focusing on temporality, being with, and the reappearance of the unerasable in their artworks, Saving Screens and Unerasable Images, respectively. Building from and reframing the violent metaphorical associations involved in screenshooting, they discuss how the act of cut/copy/paste of the screenshot transitions from a tool of the internet era to a generative sensemaking practice where meanings and memories linger. Daisy Pignetti continues this contemplation of the internet’s capacities to revive and re-present information in the next chapter. Daisy relates the story of how her New Orleans childhood home, devastated in 2005 by Hurricane Katrina and subsequently razed to the ground, reappeared in 2010 on Google Maps’ Street View. This strange familiarity is one of being—not out of time, but in different layers of time, a consequence of the interconnections ←21 | 22→between physical referents, mapping technologies, social media activity, and episodes of nostalgia. Annette Markham offers a final brief essay for this section. She offers the metaphor of echolocation as a way of making sense of digital sociality. Comparing the various pings of our social media use to the practices of bats, whales, and dolphins to navigate through space, Annette suggests that through an always-on, always-available internet, people locate their social selves when they are responded to, relational processes that are only visible when the lack of response casts the self into existential doubt.

      Our sixth and final section, Whose Internet? Whose Metaphors? collects pieces that address the rules, power hierarchies and boundaries in who gets to perceive the internet as theirs, who gets to make the dominant metaphors and what that may mean for imaginaries of the future internet. Carmel Vaisman’s chapter tells the history of a blogging platform where teenage girls lived, resisted, appropriated and finally submitted to platform owner’s and community manager’s tropes of what Israel’s blogging platform Israblog is—and more importantly, is not—for. Based on her analysis of the battles of meaning, Carmel suggests that as systems become more complex and bureaucratic, people naturalize certain technical constraints, accepting them as given. Jessa Lingel’s chapter offers a thought experiment to explore how some of the practices of anarchist groups online demonstrate a stronger democratic or collaborative mode than the automated, ill-functioning content moderation processes adopted by many social media giants. Inspired by anarchist communities she knows via her research and activist work, she offers a generative set of practices for managing online communities. In the following chapter, Polina Kolozaridi, Anna Shchetvina, and I offer a rare insight into Soviet and Post-Soviet understandings of the functionality, meaning and uses of the internet. By analyzing the metaphors used by Russia’s internet-pioneers, and contextualizing those within historical Soviet conceptualizations of the interconnections of technology and humans, we propose that different

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