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the turn of the tenth century with the Ṭabaqāt aṣḥāb Ibn Ḥanbal of Abū Bakr Aḥmad ibn Muḥammad al-Khallāl (d. 311/923), the Mālikī madhhab in the tenth century with the Kitāb al-Ṭabaqāt fī man yarwī ʿan Mālik wa-atbāʿihim min ahl al-amṣār of Ibn Abī Dalim (d. 351/962), the Shāfiʿī madhhab with the Kitāb fī ṭabaqāt al-Shāfiʿiyyah of Abū al-Ṭayyib Ṭāhir ibn ʿAbd Allāh al-Ṭabarī (d. 450/1058), and the Ḥanafī madhhab much later, with the Ṭabaqāt al-Ḥanafiyyah of Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn ʿAbd Allāh ibn Muḥammad al-Muhandis (d. 769/1367) and al-Jawāhir al-muḍiyyah by Ibn Abī al-Wafāʾ al-Qurashī (d. 775/1373).35 While such works do embody a claim to authority, the formation of a legal madhhab may not necessarily be accompanied by the compilation of such a work by one of its prominent members. I argued that Makdisi overlooked notable ṭabaqāt works, particularly in the Ḥanafī madhhab, while also suggesting that a lost work by al-Ṭabarī, Kitāb Marātib al-ʿulamāʾ, was actually devoted to the classes of jurists and represented a conscious claim to religious authority on behalf of al-Ṭabarī’s own legal school, the Jarīrī madhhab.36 In addition, I have argued that it had become a necessity for legal schools to have a manual of uṣūl al-fiqh, that is, jurisprudence, legal hermeneutics, or legal theory, in order to be recognized as authoritative. By the end of the ninth century, the Ḥanafī, Mālikī, Shāfiʿī, Ẓāhirī, and Jarīrī madhhabs all had substantial manuals of uṣūl al-fiqh, most of which are not extant. The Ḥanbalī madhhab, as well as the Imami and Zaydi Shiʿi madhhabs, appears to be a latecomer in this regard.37

      Shedding Light on the Early History of Islamic Legal Theory

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