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focusing on the Great Recession, I have selected for each chapter what could be considered as ‘most different’ cases, in order to point especially at similarities in the mechanisms and dynamics of movement-based democratic innovations. Methodologically, I aim to go beyond most of the previously mentioned case studies and small-N comparisons of similar cases. A step I consider important at this stage in comparative research is to move beyond the analyses that trace dissimilarities between similar types, and look instead for similarities in the way in which different cases developed. Following McAdam, Tarrow and Tilly’s Dynamics of Contention (2001), as well as della Porta and Keating’s Approaches and Methodologies in the Social Sciences (2008), I will build my theorization in two steps, by first analysing a most paradigmatic case of the specific democratic innovation developed from within anti-austerity protests in Europe that I address in each chapter, and then assessing the robustness of the explanations in a few additional cases.

      the objective is not to discover new facts, but to provide a new interpretation with the help of ‘old’ evidence. As a consequence, comparative historical researchers depend especially on the meticulous work done by historians and area specialists, but also on those produced by sociologists, political scientists, anthropologists, psychologists, diplomats, and journalists. As a rule of thumb, anything written from a social scientific or professional perspective could constitute evidence. The comparative historical scholar’s task is in part to evaluate the credentials of other authors, and thus the credibility of the sources.

      Indeed, following Ritter’s lead, I used three categories of secondary sources: historical accounts of a country, texts focusing specifically on the research topic, and texts dealing more specifically with factors considered as causally relevant (Ritter 2014, 108).

      The second chapter addresses forms of citizens’ participation in constitution-making: what has been defined as crowd-sourced constitutional processes, focusing upon constitutional processes that explicitly aim at involving citizens in constitution-making. Constitutions are a fundamental element of the stable set of political opportunities that are often considered as particularly influential in defining the conditions for contentious politics, their characteristics and outcomes. In fact, in particular during transitions to democracy, participation by social movements promotes constitutions that not only are more open to claims from below, but also open up more channels of political participation. Besides in transitions to democracy, social movements contribute to creating constitutional moments, that in their forms and contents are resonant with their participatory and deliberative visions. If social movement studies have rarely addressed their constitutional effects, constitution-making has long moved out of the area of sociological inquiry altogether. As a time of ‘constitutional acceleration’ has been noted (and in part at least connected to the economic crisis), a recent wave of attention to constitutions has focused in particular on issues of legitimation through citizens’ participation. Connecting this research to the study of contentious politics, the chapter addresses the constitutive powers of movements in terms of their impact upon the constitutional process by looking at cases of so-called crowd-sourced constitutional processes – especially the Icelandic one, but also the Irish.

      In the concluding chapter, I will summarize first the analysis of democratic innovations such as crowd-sourced constitutionalism, referendums from below and movement parties. Second, I will review some of the empirical evidence, research results and arguments presented in the three previous chapters in the light of their contributions to the main fields of knowledge in the social sciences: social movement studies (especially social movement outcomes) and empirical theories of democracy (especially democratic changes). Stressing the importance of concepts such as eventful protest and critical junctures, I will conclude with some reflections on moments of crisis as intense times, opening up challenges and opportunities.

      1 1. As Forst noted (2019), ‘If our critique of false notions of progress is situated and not merely abstract and empty, we also argue for progress, both in theory and in practice, because overcoming false progress is true progress. Being against progress, because one is motivated by an account of non-domination or emancipation, is also to be for it.’

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