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called the passing of Theory is precisely the reorganization of the university as a business, begun—if we are to believe James Buchanan’s account in Academia in Anarchy (Buchanan 1970, passim)—during the student movements of the 1960s whose 50th anniversary many around the world began marking in 2018.

      To pursue further the matter of how we might carry on within the general project of the critical humanities I will bear down a bit more systematically on the senses of “offering” in my title. As with “passing,” “offering” invites distinct but related glosses. In the case of “offering,” at least two. Perhaps its more immediate sense arises when we speak, as so many of us do, of “offering” classes or seminars. Here “offering” means presenting or giving, and my title certainly aims to posit the notion that Theory should continue to be available as an area of inquiry in any and every setting that regards itself as a locus of education. At the risk of moving too quickly, I would even go as far as to propose that in the absence of Theory education ceases to be about learning. It becomes about training. And, as an aside, this problem was one among several agitating members of GREPH when they fought to keep philosophy on offer in high school curricula in France during the 1980s.

      In the book whose argument these remarks introduce, I engage this snarl of issues by thinking about the various tensions between Theory and identity. Two aspects of this tension are foregrounded. On the one hand, when Eagleton in After Theory tells us that the context in which Theory mattered is now lost to us, he is effectively giving Theory an identity, even a purpose, and the gist of his analysis is to illustrate that this identity, like the context that determined it, has been lost. Put differently, through the device of the concept of “context” Theory is given an identity, a time and place of belonging, indeed the very identity whose birth Cole has so assiduously reconstructed. If this loss can be characterized as a sacrifice, our relation to it is cast as largely devotional if not nostalgic. Through such an analysis we are coaxed to mourn the loss of an identity and to organize the reactive crusade aimed to confront what ineluctably looms up as blasphemy. If we are book publishers we seek out, translate and distribute any shred of paper on which a “theorist” wrote something including a note like “I forgot my umbrella” or, far less trivially, the fragile transcripts of lectures recorded at the College de France. Febrile archiving indeed.

      But go how? The takeaway of these introductory remarks can be phrased as a response to this question. Beyond sacrificing the Theory that has passed, how should Theory, in general, be sacrificed properly? Or, rephrased more directly, is there a sense in which Theory sacrifices itself? If so, by what means?

      A few more dates. Same cautions as before. In 1995 the first of Giorgio Agamben’s multivolume treatment of homo sacer appeared. Although much effort of late has been devoted to tracing the shafts of sunlight that separate these studies, they can all be said to explore how political sovereignty founds its constitutive instability on a particular type of political actor, the figure of homo sacer. Brazenly collapsing a host of subtleties, I will thus parse Agamben’s discussion of sovereignty by foregrounding its provocative juridical character. Following Carl Schmitt, the one who is sovereign, the decider, is the one who is in a position to suspend the law in order to preserve it. In the rhetoric of statecraft this constitutes a declaration of “a state of emergency” where the state, to protect the identity given it by its ruling oligarchy, violates the principles on which it is founded in order to eliminate what the state believes threatens it. In other words, the “one” (the unity of the state) is almost always more than one. Significantly, for Agamben, this structure of standing outside and above the law in order to preserve the essence of its rule is the very same invaginated structure that isolates homo sacer as the one whose expulsion from society, from the human community, is precisely what preserves that community as a biopolitical formation. In a different terminological register, this is the scapegoat, and in most contemporary regimes, whether democracies or not, this figure is now (at least since Covering Islam) the “terrorist,” who, according to Boris Johnson, walks among the people of Britain disguised as mailboxes. Although Agamben has himself offered various iconic incarnations of such a figure, he has consistently placed important stress on the occupants of the extermination camps during World War II, especially the living corpse called “the Muselman,” the Muslim. What does this stress clarify?

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