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became particularly significant in the further development of this shift. We note here that it was Shinran who “turned Shandao’s and Hōnen’s nenbutsu as ‘daily duty’ into a nenbutsu of spontaneous gratitude and Nāgārjuna’s and Genshin’s Path of Sages’ observance of the precepts into the easy human path of the King’s Law.”⁷²

      Hōnen’s teachings led to be perceived as dangerous and he and his followers seen as undermining the existing order and hence their influence had to be curtailed. As in many other historical instances, the ones who carried dissident thought had to be exiled. The exilic period led to Shinran’s crystallization of his thought since it allowed him not only to observe the life from the outside of the monastic confinement but threw him directly into a life as a lay person. We already mentioned the centrality of Amida Buddha’s significance in Shinran’s views, particularly in relation to his compassion. We also mentioned that as Amida Buddha made forty-eight vows,⁷³ he established a Pure Land (Jōdo). We turn now to a quick discussion of Shinran’s view of “pure land” followed by the discussion of the Primal Vow (hongan).

      Shinran’s Version of Shin Buddhism

      Shinran was particularly attracted to the non-discriminative nature of this tradition. However, for Shinran, contrary to his predecessors, the practice of the invocation of the name, shōmyō nenbutsu was much less significant than attaining the sincere mind (shinjn). It is sincerity and spontaneity (jinen) that Shinran emphasized, not any form of calculative thinking (hakarai).⁷⁴ In other words, for Shinran, shinjin cannot be attained through one’s own deliberation (hakarai). It arises instead by the working of jinen, spontaneously and genuinely. We note in passing here that for Shinran, hakarai (used to justify one’s actions) can lead to the perpetuation violence: “the resolution of issues of violence must lie in the arising of insight into the nature of the ego-self and can never be achieved through assertion and affirmation of self-will.”⁷⁵

      Nonetheless, two of the concepts addressed by all Seven Patriarchs became particularly prominent in Shinran’s thought, namely, the Amida Buddha’s name, or more specifically, the recitation of his name, or practice of the nenbutsu; and the differentiation between self-power (jiriki) and other-power (tariki). These concepts led Shinran to define shinjin in a dramatically new and unorthodox way since, rather than defining it as “faith,”⁷⁶ it became described, as mentioned, in relation to “true, real, and sincere heart and mind.”⁷⁷ The concept of trust, as we will see, is significant to Shinran’s thought as it relates to entrusting oneself to the Amida’s Primal Vow as well.

      While it would be incorrect to argue that Shinran’s reform of Buddhist practice started only during his exile, it did, however, help him to crystallize certain of his contentions which resulted in some radical changes. Shinran’s own experience of exclusion from a monastic community, together with his refusal to be merely a layman either, resulted in the need to reinvent his identity and increased his sensitivity to the issues of inclusion. His firsthand familiarity with exile enlarged his awareness of the arbitrariness of judgments about good and evil and contributed to his amplified compassion for all sentient beings. While remaining committed and devoted to these ideals, this experience further informed his thought and his dedication to ordinary men and women. The ordinary people who followed Shinran’s teaching were spared anxiety over salvation and continual rebirth. This angst was alleviated with the relocation of the center of agency to the Buddha Amida. Shinran refers to the Sutra of Salvation through the Perfect Enlightenment of Amida,

      Among those who see it [Amida’s immeasurable light], there is none that does not come to possess a heart of compassion and rejoice. Among all beings in the world who are possessed of licentious desires or wrath or folly, there is none who, on seeing Amida Buddha’s light, does not perform good acts.⁷⁸

      As we continue our exploration of Shinran’s thought, we will continue wrestling with the meaning of the effects of exile on such issues as tolerance, exclusion, and inclusion alongside with the issues of good and evil. But who exactly was Shinran’s reading audience and why did he aim to communicate his thought?

      Shinran’s Genres in Writing and His Intended Audience

      Most of Shinran’s writing was done in the latter part of his life when his thought crystalized after much self-reflection. His writing exhibits at least four distinct genres. His magnum opus Kyōgyōshinshō was written in 1247 when Shinran was seventy-five years old. It is considered his most philosophical work with the intended audience of “the scholar-monk or intellectual.”⁷⁹ However, most of his other writing was directed toward ordinary Pure Land followers with the exception of the Jōdo monrui jushō (“Passages on the Pure Land Way”). His Ichinen Tanen mon’i (“Notes on ‘Once-Calling and Many-Calling’”), Yuishinshō—mon’i (“Notes on ‘Essentials of Faith Alone’”), the three Wasan (Hymns), his letters,⁸⁰ particularly the Mattōshō (“Lamp for the Latter Ages”), Tanninshō (“A Record in Lament of Divergences”) and Gutokushō (“Gutoku’s Notes”) all were written with the ordinary people in mind. These writings were animated by the idea that what might appear simple on surface can be quite challenging to understand. This notion is manifested by the fact that two of the works (Yuishinshō—mon’i and Ichinen Tanen mon’i) conclude with exactly the same words:

      That people of the countryside, who do not know the meaning of written characters and who are painfully and hopelessly ignorant, may easily understand, I have repeated the same things over and over. The educated will probably find this writing peculiar and may ridicule it. But I am paying no heed to such criticisms; I write only that ignorant people may grasp their meaning.⁸¹

      Rather than interpreting these words as being elitist, they demonstrate that “[t]he truth is simple but not necessarily so easy to grasp because we are led astray by our attachment to words and letters.”⁸² However, by making his writing accessible to the ordinary people does not mean that Shinran had any intention of “devaluing the intellect.”⁸³ Even Kyōgyōshishō, which includes a systematic study of Pure Land doctrine and is intended for scholar-monks, shows that by periodically including his own name in the discussion, Shinran aimed to make this work more personal, personable, and accessible to all.⁸⁴

      Maimonides

      Moses Maimonides⁸⁵ was born in Cordoba, Andalusia, in 1138,⁸⁶ which was then an Arabic metropolis. Maimonides’ life, like Shinran’s, can also be roughly divided into four periods: the Andalusian period (1136/1138–1148); the Almohadian period (1148–1165); the period of the wandering (1165–1171) including a short stay in Christian Spain; and the life in Egypt under the Fatimids (1166–1171) and the Ayyubids (1171–1201/1204). Each of these periods implicitly affected Maimonides’ thought as exhibited through his writing and politico-religious participation.

      In Cordoba, Maimonides’ family experienced a fairly peaceful life under the Almoravids (1086–1147). Maimonides’ father was a highly respected rabbi who served as dayyan (the judge of the Jewish court) in Cordoba. During that time Jews and Christians were given the status of dhimmi—the protected minorities—and were able to combine their secular and religious interests without any fear of persecution. By the early 1150s, the Almohads had conquered a wide area of North Africa as well as the western portion of Muslim Spain, including Cordoba. By 1160, the Almohads had expanded their control covering vast territories, including by then Tunisia and Tripoli. Ten years later, the Almohads had completed their conquest of Muslim Spain. By that time the Almohads had forced conversion on all non-Muslims and ended previous protection of minority religions (dhimmi status). Already in the late 1140s, the relatively safe Andalusian environment fell apart and Jewish lives dramatically changed. Unable to live under these conditions, Maimonides’ family left Cordoba in 1148. The Andalusian period lasted for about twelve years when Maimonides and his family wandered from place to place in Andalusia and Maimonides became an exile and a refugee at an early age.

      In 1160, Maimonides and his family settled in Fez, Morocco, where they stayed for about five years. Some information on the treatment of the Jews during this time can be gleaned from a letter by Maymun b. Yusuf, father of Maimonides, when in 1160 he wrote: “Overwhelmed with humiliation, blamed and despised, the seeds

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