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Qarāʿalī, “Mudhakkirāt,” 24–26.

12 Heyberger, Les chrétiens du Proche-Orient au temps de la réforme catholique, 110–11 and 434.

13 See the account in Qarāʿalī, “Mudhakkirāt,” 32ff. on this matter; also cf. Heyberger, Les chrétiens, 434.

14 On Lucas’s family and early travels, see Omont, Missions archéologiques françaises en Orient aux XVIIè et XVIIIè siècles, 317ff., and Commission des Antiquités, “Note sur Paul Lucas.”

15 E.g., Lucas, Deuxième Voyage du Sieur Paul Lucas dans le Levant, 169.

16 For examples, see Horta, Marvellous Thieves, chapter 2.

17 Other episodes include the account of a visit to ruins near Kaftīn and of bathing at Hammam-Lif in Tunisia (§§1.35–1.36 and §5.94).

18 Lucas, Deuxième Voyage, 53.

19 Lucas, Deuxième Voyage, 197–98.

20 Lucas, Deuxième Voyage, 117.

21 Galland, Le journal d’Antoine Galland (1646–1715), 1:290.

22 Galland, Journal, 1:358.

23 Galland, Journal, 1:321.

24 Galland, Journal, 2:253.

25 For a comprehensive list of Diyāb’s stories, see Marzolph, “The Man Who Made the Nights Immortal,” 118–19.

26 Gerhardt, The Art of Story-Telling: A Literary Study of the Thousand and One Nights, 14–15.

27 Russell, The Natural History of Aleppo, 1:148–49.

28 Van Leeuwen and Marzolph, Arabian Nights Encyclopedia, 425.

29 Among the tales Diyāb told Galland is one about a prince who falls in love with a portrait. Here Diyāb may be reversing the motif: Instead of falling in love with the subject of a portrait, the hero paints a portrait out of love.

30 See the quotation and explanation in Görner, “Das Regulativ der Wahrscheinlichkeit: Zur Funktion literarischer Fiktionalität im 18. Jahrhundert,” 92; and the study by Peucker, “The Material Image in Goethe’s Wahlverwandtschaften,” 197–98.

31 Chraïbi, “Galland’s ‘Ali Baba’ and Other Arabic Versions,” 166.

32 See Sadan, “Background, Date and Meaning of the Story of the Alexandrian Lover and the Magic Lamp.”

33 Syrian Catholic Archdiocese of Aleppo, Ar 7/25.

34 Université Saint-Joseph MS BO 645. I am grateful to Ibrahim Akel, who directed my attention to this and the previous manuscript and thus helped confirm the hypothesis that Diyāb was an owner of several books.

35 See note in Université Saint-Joseph MS BO 29, fol. 2r, and in the Preface to his edition, “Riḥlat awwal sāʾiḥ sharqī ilā Amirka,” 823, and further Matar, In the Lands of the Christians: Arab Travel Writing in the Seventeenth Century, 48. Ghobrial, “Stories Never Told: The First Arabic History of the New World,” 263n8, suggests that Diyāb is the copyist of al-Mawṣilī’s book.

36 E.g., Université Saint-Joseph MS BO 594, 298v.

37 Université Saint-Joseph MS BO 645, 132r.

38 Ong, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the World, 39.

39 Ott, “From the Coffeehouse into the Manuscript,” 447.

40 On the Bustān see Graf, Geschichte, 3:413.

41 Ghobrial, “The Secret Life of Elias of Babylon and the Uses of Global Microhistory,” 66.

42 In the Islamic context, as shown by Touati, Islam et Voyage au Moyen Âge, 187–91, siyāḥah refers to long desert journeys undertaken in order to seek mystical union with God. In the Christian context, siyāḥah means being a hermit—that is, a wandering monk who lives in remote places and practices piety.

43 On Evliya Çelebi and his books, see Özay, “Evliyâ Çelebi’s Strange and Wondrous Europe.”

44 See Krimsti, “The Lives and Afterlives of the Library of the Maronite Physician Ḥannā al-Ṭabīb (c. 1702–1775) from Aleppo,” 206.

45 The Arabic manuscripts of Yirmisekiz Mehmed Çelebi’s sefâretnâmeh found in the households of Diyāb and Shukrī are falsely attributed to one Saʿīd Bāshā, very likely Mehmed Çelebi’s son, Mehmed Said Paşa, who returned from Paris in 1742. A list of the gifts for the French king is attached to Arsāniyūs’s travelogue (MS Gotha arab. 1549, 215v).

46 Cf. Krimsti, “Arsāniyūs Shukrī al-Ḥakīm’s Account of His Journey to France, the Iberian Peninsula, and Italy (1748–1757) from Travel Journal to Edition.”

47 On Mehmed Çelebi’s account, see

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