New South African Review 1 - Anthony Butler

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– industrial capitalism – can a solution to these crises be found within capitalism, or does the very nature of capitalism need to be transcended for solutions for all of humanity, in harmony with the natural environment, to be found?

      The answer to this question depends on the paradigm used. Clapp and Dauvergne (2005) give us four basic paradigms that try to make sense of the current crisis, namely the market liberal, institutionalist, bioenvironmentalist and social green approaches. Of these the first two, which fit broadly into the ecological modernisation frame, do not question the logic of capitalism, based on heightened economic growth, but differ on the degree of state involvement in addressing the problems. Market liberals believe the market will solve environmental problems, while institutionalists believe in the necessity of global (and national) regulation. The last two, by contrast, tend to be more critical of the subordination of the environment and society to economic growth, with bioenvironmentalists placing the natural environment (and population growth) at the centre of concern, while social greens (including Marxist as well as non-Marxist eco-socialists) place human society at the centre, in harmony with the natural environment.

      The obvious attempts at ‘greenwashing’, namely using ‘sustainable development’ as a public relations ploy, is arguably the dominant practice of corporations throughout the world, promoted by global institutions such as the World Bank and World Trade Organisation (Peet 2003; Bruno and Karliner 2004; Bakan 2004; Harris-White and Harris 2006; and Rogers 2006). Friedman (2008) argues for a ‘green revolution’ within the logic of regulated capitalism. However, he is critical of the tepid greenwashing that passes for sustainable development and makes a strong case for a fundamental reorientation of our economies, where state regulation and standards need to be imposed in order to spur on innovation towards green solutions to our energy. As such, his approach has shifted from a market liberal to an institutionalist perspective, and is a challenge to those on the eco-socialist left who argue that, because capitalism is the source of the energy crisis, any solution that benefits the entire globe, and not enclaves of privilege, must transcend capitalist relations of production.

      Foster (2009) directly engages with Friedman, criticising his devotion to nuclear power and unproven ‘clean coal’ technology, which are also part of US President Obama’s green strategy. Instead, he asserts:

      Yet the more radical ecological solution that seeks an immediate closing down of coal-fired plants and their replacement by solar, wind, and other forms of renewable power – coupled with alterations on the demand-side through the transformation of social priorities – is viewed by vested interests as completely undesirable (Foster 2009: 21).

      A ‘transformation of social priorities’ that addresses enclave development and ecological destruction at the national and global levels would have to take on those vested interests – implying a class struggle between the power elite at the top of the pyramid, and the subordinate classes at the bottom. The difference between traditional twentieth century Marxist-Leninist (or social democratic) socialist struggles and a new form of twenty-first century ‘eco-socialist’ struggle is that while the former is state-centric, and facilitated by a hierarchical (vanguardist or mass based) political party, the latter is society-centric, and facilitated by mass participatory democracy. The form of struggle has a direct bearing on the outcome, following the Gandhian principle ‘be the change you want to see’. This is a long-term battle that is already taking shape in discussions and activism, for example, at the World Social Forum, as well as in places where the subordinate classes have actually taken power, as in Bolivia and Kerala, India (Williams 2008).

      In the wake of the global crisis that has delegitimised the certainties of neoliberal economics, there is a growing literature on what the content of shifted social priorities entails (for example Ransom and Baird 2009; Korten 2009; Eisler 2009; Patel 2009). According to Bolivian president Evo Morales 2009: 168):

      It is nothing new to live well. It is simply a matter of recovering the life of our forbears and putting an end to the kind of thinking that encourages individualistic egoism and the thirst for luxury. Living well is not living better at the expense of others. We need to build a communitarian socialism in harmony with Mother Earth.

      What this actually means in practice is a work in progress, a feeling-around for policies and practices that build social solidarity in harmony with nature. It includes, at minimum, the extension of the commons, or public social goods, including basic services such as water, electricity, education, health, communication and transportation as human rights, not commodities to be bought and sold (Morales 2009). It means using renewable forms of energy that preserves the earth for future generations, based on the principle of sufficiency (Kovel 2002) and not endless growth pivoted on endless wants.

      There is an emphasis on local and regional economies to, amongst other things, maximise democratic participation, and minimise carbon footprints caused by long-distance trade, particularly in fresh produce (or what some term ‘food miles’). For example, Cuba has achieved universally recognised success in getting local communities to produce organic fruit and vegetables in urban food gardens, for consumption by local communities themselves (Barclay 2003). The Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas (ALBA), which brings together a range of Latin American countries, including Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador and Nicaragua, offers a radical reconceptualisation of trade relations based on fair trade, social solidarity and meeting human needs – as opposed to the cut-throat competition embedded in ‘free’ trade (Hattingh 2008). In the longer-term, an eco-socialist vision means shorter working time (which can substantially address the problem of unemployment, provided that it rests on a substantial social wage in the form of free or heavily subsidised public services, funded by, for example, global taxation), and more leisure time to pursue creative and socially useful activities. Frigga Haug (in Bullard 2009), drawing on Marx’s vision of communism, offers the fourfold challenge:

       Four hours on wage labour (production)

       Four hours on reproductive work (cooking, cleaning, gardening, caring for families)

       Four hours on creative work (music, art, poetry, sport)

       Four hours on political work (community organising).

      Whether one adopts a green ‘new deal’ perspective, or a more radical eco-socialist perspective,3 both pose fundamental challenges to capitalism’s growth-at-all-costs tendencies. As the chapters in this section suggest, South Africa, like most countries in the world, has to deal with powerful vested interests if it wants to wean itself off the minerals-energy-financial complex, which is central to the accumulation-production-consumption treadmill that perpetuates massive social inequality, poverty and environmental degradation.

      SOUTH AFRICA’S RESPONSES

      I have

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