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Second, there is a difference between syncretism and acculturation. Colossians exhibits the telltale signs of a set of Jewish teachings expressed in the idiom and categories of Hellenism. Yet Hellenism itself can either flatten out or reinforce Jewish distinctives as exposure to a secondary culture forces one to either absorb or deflect external influences.

Third, the philosophy is conceivably a form of Judaism that is being commended to the Colossians. Judaism could also be described as a philosophy in apologetic literature.65 Josephus describes the various Jewish sects as philosophies66 and he can even refer to the Jewish religion as a form of national philosophy.67 Philo represents Judaism as achieving the highest ideals of Hellenistic philosophy.68 What also indicates Jewish adversaries is the injunction in 2:16–17, where the triadic formula of festivals, new moons, and Sabbaths occurs in the Septuagint and represents the commandments of the Torah (law of Moses). The references to circumcision (2:11, 3:11, and 4:11) imply that while circumcision itself was probably not the presenting issue, nonetheless, it was crucial in identifying Paul’s opponents. What is more, there are a number of similarities between the teachers in Colossae and the proselytizers in Galatia and how both are engaged by Paul. The philosophy is touted as an oppressive spiritual force in much the same way that Paul likens the law in Galatians to hostile spiritual powers (Col 2:8, 14–15; Gal 4:9–11). In Colossians, as in Galatians, the erroneous beliefs required Paul to shore up the integrity of Gentile Christian identity without the need to take on law observance (Col 3:11; Gal 3:28). In Colossians as in Galatians, Paul exhorts that one does not require Torah to facilitate righteous living (Col 2:23–3:17; Gal 5:13–15). In Colossians as in Galatians, freedom from the designs of the Colossian philosophers and from the Galatian proselytizers is indebted to dying with Messiah and being baptized into Messiah (Col 2:12; 3:3; Gal 3:26–27). Colossians and Galatians both refer to the freedom of the Christian from circumcision and festivals (Col 2:11–12, 16; Gal 5:2; 6:12–15; 4:10) and refer to deliverance from evil powers (Col 1:13–14; Gal 1:4). In light of this, it seems that Paul is evidently negating the value of Jewish boundary markers and lessening the social and religious function of the law as it stands as a threat to the integrity of Jesus-believing Gentiles and involves a devaluing of the preeminence of the Messiah.

But what type of Judaism was Paul engaging? A hybrid Jewish Gnosticism could be conceivable if Colossians was written late in the first century or in the early second century.69 Yet Colossians was not likely to have been composed so late, and the philosophy lacks the anti-cosmic dualism that was at the root of Gnosticism whereby the creation of the material world is attributed to the act of a malevolent demiurge. Over a hundred years ago J. B. Lightfoot suggested that the “heresy” had an affinity with Essenism and Gnosticism since the Essenes had a tendency towards mysticism.70 The discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls, arguably stemming from an Essene sect, provided further grounds for links between the Colossian philosophy and the Essenes. Pierre Benoit writes, “A return to the Mosaic law by circumcision, rigid observance concerning diet and the calendar, speculations about the angelic powers: all this is part and parcel of the doctrines of Qumran.”71 The parallels between the philosophy and Josephus’s account of the Essenes and with selected portions of the Qumran scrolls are undeniable. However, there remains the absence of any evidence that the Essenes were in Phrygia or the Lycus Valley. The asceticism and mysticism of the philosophy could also comport with a number of other Jewish religious strains, including merkabah mystics or apocalyptic sects.

I want to suggest, in line with a number of researchers, that the background to the philosophy lies in Jewish mysticism.72 First, F. F. Bruce noted the affinities of the Colossian philosophy with merkabah mysticism.73 Merkabah mysticism was a Jewish movement that got its name from its concern with visions of the heavenly chariot (mrkbh) that was with God during Ezekiel’s glorious vision (Ezek 1:4–28). Visions of God’s throne and angelic worship were granted to those who undertook rigorous adherence to the Mosaic law with periods of asceticism and purification as a form of preparation for such visions. Eventually this led to what the later rabbis called the “two powers in heaven” heresy, since the name Yahweh was said to include two deities. There is no doubt that our sources on merkabah mysticism postdate Paul, nonetheless, similar visionary experiences, ascents to heaven, and interest in heavenly worship are attested pre-70 CE (e.g., Pss 29:1–2; 148:1–2; 2 Cor 12:1–4; 1 En. 14:8–23; 4Q405; Apoc. Ab. 17:1–21; Apoc. Zeph. 8:3–4; Ascen. Isa. 7:13—9:33), which provide a backdrop to Col 2:18.74

Second, adherence to regulations of the Mosaic law can be linked to the veneration and appeasement of angels. The law was said to have been given to Moses by God through angels (see Gal 3:19; Acts 7:53; Heb 2:2). As such, keeping the law becomes a tribute to the angels and disobedience to the precepts of the law can result in judgment from angelic beings. There is clear evidence that some Jews taught that circumcision and obedience to the law could protect someone from evil angels.75 Thus, the need to follow the regulations of the Torah in Col 2:14, 16–17 is perhaps connected to the heavenly jurisdiction of the “thrones” and “authorities” who are angelic beings that demand observance of the law. Paul argues in turn that there is no need to placate those cosmic entities whom the Messiah has supremacy over (1:16; 2:8–10) and has subjugated (2:15).

Third, the references to asceticism, visions, and the worship of angels underscore the mystical aspect of the philosophy even more. This is apparent in 2:18 where there are those who “insist” or “delight”76 upon ascetic practices and self-abasement. This self-mortification probably pertains to fasting as an expression of humility (Pss 35:13; 69:10; Isa 58:3, 5; Jdt 4:9). The self-deprivation of fasting was often a means to visionary experiences (Dan 10:2–3; Apoc. Ab. 9:7–10; 12:1–2; T. Isaac 4:1–6; 5:4; 4 Ezra 5:13, 20; 6:35; 9:23–25; 2 Bar. 43:3; Gk. Apoc. Ezra 1:2–7) and this may have enabled participants to have, or claim to have had, visions of ascents to heaven to behold angelic worship (e.g., Isa 6:2–3; Dan 7:10; Luke 2:14; Rev 4–5). That is why this “self-abasement” is closely linked to the “worship of angels” and going into detail about “visions which he has seen.”

But what precisely is the “worship of angels”? Is it the worship of angels themselves or worship with the angels? Traditionally, it has been taken as an objective genitive, meaning worship directed at the angels, which could be occasioned by the view of angels as divine mediators, lesser deities, or stemming from an angel cult in Phyrgia. It is common today to argue that it is a subjective genitive and refers to worship performed by the angels. That corresponds with the narration found in various apocalypses where prophets and saints of old are translated to God’s throne and participate in the praises of heaven.77 The evidence from the Qumran scrolls also shows that angelic worship was much coveted and the liturgy of the sectarians was thought to include the presence of the angels (e.g., 1QH 3:21–22; 1QM 7:4–6; 1QSa 2:8–9; 1QSb 4:25–26). In particular, the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice (4Q400–5) describe the praise of angels in the heavenly sanctuary where the angels are assembled in military formation and provide anthems of divine blessing to God:

The [Cheru]bim fall before Him and bless Him; as they arise, the quiet voice of God [is heard], followed by a tumult of joyous praise. As they unfold their wings, God’s q[uiet] voice is heard again. The Cherubim bless the image of the chariot-throne that appears above the firmament, [then] they joyously acclaim the [splend]or of the luminous firmament that

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