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anachronisms in which much writing on the period is still couched. Hurstfield stresses the real thrust behind the Statute of Proclamations, the Treason Acts, and the official censorship and propaganda of the reign. The once received notion that the Tudor monarchy was not a form of Absolutism is given short shrift by Mousnier, ‘Quelques Problèmes Concernant La Monarchie Absolue’, pp. 21–6. Henry’s attitude to Parliament is well conveyed bv Scarisbricke, Henry VIII, pp. 653–4.

      13. By the end of the reign, two-thirds of the monastic domains had been alienated; income from sales of church lands averaged 30 per cent above rents from those retained. See F. Dietz, English Government Finance 1485–1558, London 1964, pp. 147, 149, 158, 214.

      14. Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy, pp. 265–6.

      15. The transition from the early mediaeval baronage to the late mediaeval peerage, and the attendant evolution of knightage into a gentry, are traced by N. Denholm-Young, ‘En Remontant le Passé de l’Aristocratie Anglaise: le Moyen Age’, Annales, May 1937, pp. 257–69. (The title ‘baron’ itself acquired a new meaning as a patented rank in the late 14th century, distinct from its earlier use.) The consolidation of the peerage system is analyzed by K. B. Macfarlane, ‘The English Nobility in the Later Middle Ages’, XIIth International Congress of Historical Sciences, Vienna 1965, Rapports I, pp. 337–45, who stresses its novelty and discontinuity.

      16. It should be borne in mind that the loi de dérogeance was itself a late Renaissance creation in France, which only dates from 1560. Such a legal measure was unnecessary as long as the function of the nobility was unambiguously military; like the graded titles themselves, it was a reaction to a new social mobility.

      17. The government could not rely on the loyalty of the shire levies in this crisis: W. K. Jordan, Edward VI: The Young King, London 1968, p. 467.

      18. See the comparative estimates of statutes made by Elton, in ‘The Political Creed of Thomas Cromwell’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 1956, p. 81.

      19. J. E. Neale, The Elizabethan House of Commons, London 1949, pp. 140, 147–8, 302.

      20. C. Oman, A History of the Art of War in the Sixteenth Century, London 1937, pp. 288–90.

      21. C. G. Cruickshank, Elizabeth’s Army, Oxford 1966, pp. 12–13, 19–20, 24–30, 51–3, 285.

      22. Cruickshank has suggested that the absence of an adult male sovereign, to command field troops in person, for nearly 60 years after Henry VIII, may have contributed to the failure of a regular army to emerge in this epoch: Army Royal, Oxford 1969, p. 189.

      23. ‘Ireland is the last ex filiis Europae, which hath been reclaimed from desolation and a desert (in many parts), to population and plantation; and from savage and barbarous customs, to humanity and civility.’ The Works of Francis Bacon, London 1711, Vol. IV, p. 280. For further examples of the same colonial sentiments, see pp. 442–8. Bacon, like all his contemporaries, was keenly aware of the material profits to be derived from England’s civilizing mission in Ireland: ‘This I will say confidently, that if God bless this kingdom with peace and justice, no usurer is so sure in seventeen years space to double his principal, and interest upon interest, as that kingdom is within the same time to double the stock both of wealth and people. . . . It is not easy, no not upon the continent, to find such confluence of commodities, if the hand of man did join with the hand of nature.’ pp. 280, 444. Note the clarity of the conception of Ireland as an alternative outlet for expansion to the continent.

      24. For the situation by the early 16th century, see M. MacCurtain, Tudor and Stuart Ireland, Dublin 1972, pp. 1–5, 18, 39–41.

      25. For some glimpses of the tactics used to reduce the Irish to submission, see C. Falls, Elizabeth’s Irish Wars, London 1950, pp. 326–9, 341, 343, 345. The English Fury in Ireland was probably just as lethal as the Spanish Fury in the Netherlands: in fact, there is little sign that it was ever restrained by the considerations which, for example, prevented Spain from destroying the Dutch dikes – a measure rejected as genocidal by Philip II’s government: compare Parker, The Army of Flanders and the Spanish Road, pp. 134–5.

      26. For this development, see Cipolla, Guns and Sails in the Early Phase of European Expansion, pp. 78–81; M. Lewis, The Spanish Armada, London 1960, pp. 61–80, who claims a perhaps doubtful English priority in it.

      27. G. J. Marcus, A Naval History of England, I, The Formative Centuries London 1961, p. 30.

      28. Garrett Mattingly, The Defeat of the Spanish Armada, London 1959, p. 175.

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