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regional crop complexes. In the Hohokam region of southern and central Arizona, large-scale irrigation canals directed water to fields from permanent rivers, while agave plants were grown in extensive rockpile fields along lower slopes of hillsides (Fish and Fish 2014).

      Northwest Coast and Interior Plateau societies, long classified as non-agricultural fisher-hunter-gatherers, are now recognized for intricate landscape management practices, including cultivation, that increased the productivity of staple root crops, berries, and other plant foods (Peacock and Turner 2000; Deur and Turner 2005). It is difficult to date the antiquity of these strategies, but there is no doubt that they predate European influence. Combined archaeological and ethnobotanical studies that include authors who belong to Canadian First Nations and US Native American communities expand our knowledge about when and where early residents of the Pacific Northwest applied these methods and how their coastal gardens and upland garden-like meadows fit into long-term cultural trajectories in this densely populated region.

      I begin this chapter with a review of plant domestication in eastern North America’s Midwest riverine area, focusing first on the Eastern Agricultural Complex, and moving forward in time to maize-based agriculture. The next section is devoted to crops and farmers in the Southwest, where both regional diversity and changes through time are reflected in the archaeological record. In the following section, I cover the Pacific Northwest, summarizing evidence for landscape domestication that included crop cultivation. I conclude by discussing the significance of Native American farming systems for their productivity and efficiency and for the relevance they hold for Americans today.

      Eastern North America

      Domestication of plants in eastern North America was well underway by 3000 BCE, but the process began thousands of years earlier. People first populated this region during the late Pleistocene, at least 13,000 years ago, and their interactions with edible plants and animals set the stage for future developments. Nuts—especially acorns, hickories, and walnuts——were harvested as soon as post-Pleistocene climatic conditions stabilized, and the burning of understory vegetation served both to enhance mast production and improve hunters’ abilities to procure deer using atlatls (Wagner 2003).

       Eastern Agriculture before the Widespread Adoption of Maize

      Bottle gourds (Lagenaria siceraria) were used as implements very early, a curious fact because this species is native to Africa and apparently floated across the Atlantic Ocean multiple times, being spread by people in Florida and elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere as early as 8000 BCE (Kistler et al. 2014). By 2500 BCE, bottle gourds were cultivated in Missouri at the Phillips Spring site, along with a native squash (Cucurbita pepo ssp. ovifera), the seeds of which were larger than wild-sized, indicating that the process of domestication was underway (King 1985; Smith, Cowan, and Hoffman 1992). This squash——the eastern North American wild pepo gourd—was widely distributed and propagated during the mid-Holocene (6000–3000 BCE). Charred Cucurbita fragments from sites in Maine, Pennsylvania, and Illinois are within the rind thickness range of wild populations, but these sites are located north of the species’ expected natural growing range. The rind fragments and associated artifacts indicate that fisher-foragers used the small, gourd-like fruits from these easily grown plants, probably for multiple purposes including fishnet floats, containers, rattles, and food (Fritz 1999).

      Sumpweed is a close relative of sunflower, but it lacks attractive flowers. Nevertheless, selection for larger seeds and fruits resulted in achenes with volumes several times larger than those found in wild populations. The earliest known domesticated archaeological sumpweed specimens come from sites in west-central Illinois and date to at least 2500 BCE (Asch and Asch 1985; Wagner and Carrington 2014).The oily seeds of sumpweed constitute “an exceptionally nutritious package, comparable to sunflower” (Wagner and Carrington 2014). We have no direct evidence for how they were prepared prior to consumption, but their presence in 87 percent of 100 human paleofecal specimens from Salts Cave, Kentucky analyzed by Yarnell (1969 ) demonstrates that sumpweed fruits were readily consumed during the first millennium BCE. The ubiquity of sumpweed in dry Ozark rockshelter caches dating to as late as 1400 CE points to persistence of this crop until shortly before European contact (Fritz 1994a), and scattered domesticate-sized specimens are reported from protohistoric and historic sites from the Plains to North Carolina (Wagner and Carrington 2014). Why it disappeared, whereas sunflower survived, is one of the unanswered questions in eastern North American archaeology.

      Figure 1.3 Two-thousand-year-old cache of domesticated chenopod (Chenopodium berlandieri ssp. jonesianum) seeds stored in a bottle gourd (Lagenaria siceraria), found at White Bluff rockshelter site in the Arkansas Ozarks. University Museum of Arkansas, Photo negative # 320115. With the permission of the University Museum of Arkansas.

      The Riverton site in southeastern

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