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at the mobilization of effort and related themes of the “loose-lips-sink-ships” variety, war bond campaigns, and thrift. Private manufacturers joined the government in the production of home-front posters. “The volume of privately printed posters for factories and plant communities was said to be greater than the number of posters issued from any and all sources during World War I,” Bird and Rubenstein write.61 When large advertising firms brought their talents to the poster effort, debates took shape in the Office of War Information, which was to “review and approve the design and distribution of government posters. Eventually, contending groups within the OWI clashed over poster design. While some embraced the poster as a demonstration of the practical utility of art, others valued it as evidence of the power of advertising. . . . [Those] who saw posters as ‘war graphics’ favored stylized images and symbolism, while recruits drawn from the world of advertising predictably wanted posters to be more like ads.”62 The advertising industry won the argument, partly by winning the support of conservative members of Congress. This in turn influenced the development of home-front posters and secured a financial windfall for advertising firms. During World War II, the effect of posters was almost certainly exceeded by radio, motion pictures, and print. After the war, the introduction of television contributed to the decline of the poster as a primary mode of public and commercial communication. “Not since World War II have government, business, and labor used a wide array of posters as a major form of communication,” Bird and Rubenstein conclude.63 Although their importance as a medium of mass communication diminished after World War II, posters did appear regularly through the 1960s, both as wall posters and as portable signs in citizen demonstrations for peace and civil rights (see figs. 1417).

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      FIGURE 15 “March for Peace (Washington, D.C.): Stop the Bombing; End the War, 1965.” Robert Joyce Papers, 1952–1973, Historical Collections and Labor Archives, Special Collections Library, University Libraries, The Pennsylvania State University. Box 6, Folder 12.

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      FIGURE 16 “Reaffirm America’s Revolutionary Heritage; Florida Confronts the Pentagon; Vets for Peace in Vietnam: March on Washington Against the War in Vietnam, October 21–22, 1967.” Thomas W. Benson Political Protest Collection, Historical Collections and Labor Archives, Eberly Family Special Collections Library, University Libraries, The Pennsylvania State University. Photograph by the author.

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      The psychedelic posters, especially in the Bay Area, helped stimulate a poster culture in the 1960s, which was amplified by the establishment of commercial poster production for private use. College dormitory walls were commonly decorated with locally purchased, mass-produced posters that were in national circulation. Also in the 1960s, some fine artists, turning away from the dominant abstract and pop styles, were creating visual art with strong social content.64 No later than 1965, antiwar posters and paintings were in wide circulation. For the catalogue of an exhibition of protest posters at the New School in New York, in October–December 1971, David Kunzle wrote, “The Poster of Protest was triggered by the sudden, unexpected and massive escalation of the war in Vietnam 1965–66. By 1968 enough antiwar posters had appeared to form an exhibition (mounted in Italy) containing about seventy items. Two years later this number had more than doubled, but there are signs that the wave of the ‘commercial’ poster of protest, with which we are concerned here, is beginning to break, or to move in a new direction: the non-commercial, utilitarian ‘action’ poster, modeled on the famous French student affiches de mai.”65

      At Berkeley in May 1970, posters were simply laid out in stacks on tables in the lobby of the College of Environmental Design. Every day, it seemed, there was a fresh supply.66 Lincoln Cushing says that at Berkeley the “short-lived workshop . . . created an estimated fifty thousand copies of hundreds of works.”67 The posters were made with the approval and assistance of the University Art Museum and the faculty of the College of Environmental Design. According to Cushing, “UC Berkeley art history professor Herschel B. Chipp was a faculty advocate for the workshop artists, and he threw his support behind a student-curated exhibition at the then-new University Art Museum. It included work from the University of California, the California College of Arts and Crafts, the San Francisco Art Institute, Stanford, and other schools, as well as posters from Mexico and Paris from May 1968.”68

      In his Art of Engagement: Visual Politics in California and Beyond, Peter Selz, former director of the University Art Museum, recalls,

      Many antiwar posters were produced in the University Art Museum on the Berkeley campus during this time. In response to the American invasion of Cambodia in 1970, there was an outcry against the war among students, faculty, and staff at Berkeley, as at many universities in America. As director of the University Art Museum at the time, I was approached by students who wanted to turn the gallery into “campus central” for the printing of posters and the mimeographing (since this was before the time of the photocopier) of position papers. I felt that this action was called for, even though the gallery was just then the venue for two major sculpture exhibitions. . . . I placed the sculptures behind a screen to make room for silkscreen presses and mimeograph machines, feeling that, just as art is often political, politics is sometimes art.69

      At the time, of course, these posters were not presented in any particular groupings, though perhaps the recurrence of themes would have helped some of them become recognizable while framing the others. The posters are primarily antiwar, at least by context if not by direct reference; a few refer to civil rights or the larger political process. In any case, the political themes raised in the posters do not divide neatly into mutually exclusive categories; instead, they overlap and intertwine along a variety of dimensions. Our groupings here should thus be regarded with some reservations, to avoid political or rhetorical reductionism. In any case, though the “arguments” of the posters are crucial to their meanings, the posters are not, taken one at a time or together, reducible to any single proposition.

      Most of the posters are original art on silk screen; some are based on photographs, and some are produced by photo offset. Some of the art is purely typographic. The color palette is typically limited, giving the posters a simplicity, directness, immediacy, vividness, and in some cases a beauty that is striking. All of it provides symbolic dimensions through pure design by creating tone and stance.

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